KOSOVO, June 13 - Meanwhile, the NATO Kosovo "humanitarian mission"
is
busy trying to "cleanse" the ethnic Serbs from Kosovo. Earlier in the
day (June 13),
some British soldiers shot to death a Serb policemen who had reportedly
fired his pistol in the air
(see the photo).
How many Americans would be dead on July 4 by the same standard of the
NATO-style "pisskeeping?"
Northern Ireland's Catholics, objects of the Ulster/British turkey
shoots similar to that in Prizren today, following that region's NWO-sponsored
"peace agreement," may be
able to understand what is happening in Kosovo better than most. As
they bury their dead,
and swear revenge. Just as some Serbs of Kosovo will do.
For, unreported by the major western media, as many as 8,000 Serb
civilians arrived in the neighboring Montenegro early Sunday (June
13), leaving Kosovo ahead of
NATO peacekeeping troops, according to the Dow Jones newswires.
And once again, German army's NATO forces were in the forefront of the
Serb "ethnic cleansing" - "at times literally pushing the Yugoslav
army before them as Serb
civilians in packed cars squeezed in between light and armored vehicles
from both sides," according to an
Agence France Presse report filed today (June 13).
As the Serbs pulled back, the German deployment of 1,200 soldiers and
260 vehicles was the first
into Kosovo from Albania, where the majority of refugees driven out
by
Serb forces had sought refuge.
The Germans are in charge of a sensitive southern sector which stretches
from the border to around
Prizren, a city of more than 100,000 inhabitants. --- Truth in Media
Ed.: Further to the 8,000 Serbs
who have already escaped the NATO "pisskeeping mission," more than
2,000
of them were expected to arrive in Montenegro later in the day.
PRISTINA, June 14, 1999 (Tanjug)
- KFOR members, especially the German contingent, are not doing
anything to disarm the terrorists who crossed over into Metohija from Albania
after
the departure of the Serb security
forces, well-informed sources in
Pristina told Tanjug today.
According to the sources, the
terrorists seized and destroyed
several border posts, especially Morina,
while the German "peacekeepers"
did not even react.
Furthermore, foreign correspondents
say that the German troops are even cooperating with the KLA terrorists.
The Associated Press agency reports
from Tirana that German "peacekeepers"
and members of the
so-called KLA returned to Albania
about 300 ethnic Albanians from
Kosovo who tried to cross the border
and go back to Kosovo and Metohija.
Armed terrorists in uniforms are
walking the streets of Prizren,
Suva Reka, Djakovica and Decani, while
western members of KFOR, especially
those from Germany in the
Prizren area, have still done nothing
to prevent this.
Thus, the international forces
have directly, at the very start, violated the peace agreement whose
provisions are
fully respected by Yugoslavia. Such
conduct by KFOR has upset the Serbs living in Metohija.
Pristina, Serbia, June 25, 1999 (Tanjug)
- A large group of ethnic
Albanians stormed the Pristina City
Hall at around 8:30 a.m. on
Friday, ordering the employees and
officials out of the building.
The representatives of a self-styled
ethnic Albanian civilian
authority in this chief city of
the Yugoslav republic of Serbia's
Kosovo-Metohia province were mostly
correct in their dealings
with the employees of Serbian nationality.
However, they were accompanied by
a large number of arrogant
young men, who stopped employees
and snatched away keys to
official cars, seizing the entire
car pool.
International peacekeepers (KFor),
who were present on
the scene throughout, only made
sure there should be no
physical violence.
The building housing the Serbian
Public Revenue Service
offices and some other institutions
was seized in a
similar fashion a little later.
The ethnic Albanians ordered the
employees to vacate the building
at once, leaving the office keys
behind.
KFor troops looked on, but did not intervene.
A group of the armed Albanians broke
into the building of the
provincial committee of the Socialist
Party of Serbia (SPS) on Friday
as well and threating with weapons
taken out the computers and all
the equipment.
KFOR troops didn't react.
BBC News Online: World: Europe
http://news.bbc.co.uk/low/english/world/europe/newsid_492000/492037
Thursday, October 28, 1999 Published at 15:15 GMT
K-For 'lacks will' to protect Serbs.
The attack by Kosovo Albanians on a convoy of Serbs trying to leave
the province on Wednesday shows
the Nato peacekeepers are still not protecting the Serb community, a senior
minister in Belgrade has said. Serbian Deputy Information Minister
Miodrag Popovic said
the incident highlighted the
fact that Serbs in Kosovo were still at risk four
months after the Nato-led
K-For troops had moved in to restore order.
"The Dutch forces should
have withdrawn and the Russian
forces should have been in the Orahovac
area, where the ethnic Albanians are
keeping their siege for two
months now, and the K-for forces don't want to, or
there is not the political will,
to break the siege," he said.
His comments came as the European
Union's senior foreign policy officials arrived in the province
to highlight Europe's central role
in restoring peace there.
The UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) said
that the attack happened in the western town of Pec
when a convoy of about 150 Serbs
had been trying to leave the southwestern city of Orahovac for Montenegro.
K-For officials said part of the
convoy became detached after a Serb
civilian vehicle broke down, and
then lagging vehicles stopped to ask directions.
Some of the refugees were dragged
from their cars, which were then
set on fire, after the convoy was
blocked by an angry crowd of about 1,500 Albanians.
Several Serbs fled to a nearby K-For
base, which the UNHCR said was then surrounded by the crowd. At least 18
Serbs were slightly injured in the incident and 19 vehicles set alight,
including one owned by the UNHCR.
Volatile situation
The organisation said the incident
highlighted just how volatile Kosovo remained.
"It's a very alarming situation
when a civilian convoy is attacked and passengers are assaulted in such
a way," UNHCR spokesman Peter Kessler said.
"This kind of ethnic violence shows
that tensions on the ground here
are still extremely high after the
ethnic cleansing that occurred."
International aid workers said all
the Serbs on the convoy had been checked to make sure they were not wanted
in connection with war crimes.
EU visit
During their visit, the EU representatives
are hoping to "press homethe
EU's support for ethnic reconciliation",
a spokesman said.
EU External Relations Commissioner,
Chris Patten, and the High
Representative for the Common, Foreign
and Security Policy, Javier Solana, are due to meet Serb and
Albanian leaders, and visit the
divided city of Mitrovica.
They are also due to have talks with
the K-For commander, General
Klaus Reinhardt, and the UN Administrator
Bernard Kouchner.
The EU spokesman said the main purpose
of the visit was to gain
first-hand insights on the "political,
security and economic situation in Kosovo, and to visit EU
reconstruction assistance projects".
EU countries contribute about 80%
of the troops in K-For and provide
much of the international aid.
BLIC NOV 4, 1999
Member of the Kosovo and Metohija provisional government and
leader of
the Kosovo Democratic Initiative (KDI) Faik Jasari Wednesday
most
sharply condemned the ethnic-Albanian separatism and terrorism
in
Serbia's southern province and the crimes which the terrorist
ethnic-Albanian KLA continues to commit there against the non-Albanian
population.
Since the arrival of the peace forces, the UN has done nothing
to build
multiethnic life in Kosovo and Metohija, but, instead, encourages
the
ethnic cleansing pursued by ethnic-Albanian terrorists with
a view to
subsequently trying to achieve independence for the province
and create
"Greater Albania," Jasari said in a released statement.
November 17, 1999
Kosovska Mitrovica, Nov 17 (Tanjug) - The United Nation mission in
Kosovo and Metohija (UNMIK) has definitely shown its truth face when
it used force to prevent the "Trepca" plant's employees carry out their
right to work, director-general of the plant Novak Bijelic stated in
Kosovska
Mitrovica on Wednesday.
On the UNMIK's request, we've provided all the necessary
documentation back in August, consisting a "deed" of the plant that
proved
the ownership of the stockholders. The fact that UNMIK has simply ignored
it
makes one worry, Bijelic said and added that UNMIK has also refused
to
answer a written request of the stockholders' council of the "Trepca"
plant
issued in August, urging the return of the illegally usurped property
(mines,
factories etc.), and has continued with the violence.
Describing the UNMIK's behavior, Bijelic said that instead of securing
the
peace and order, UN's civil mission has actually allowed looting of
the
"Trepca" plant, as if they were Crusaders conquering Jerusalem.
"UNMIK's justification that it disables manufacture of the workers at
the
zinc-producing industry, battery factory and the factory of chemical
products
included in the "Trepca" plant (employing 1.100 people) for the security
reasons is nothing but an excuse", Bijelic stressed.
As he said, it was proved when French contingent's commander said
addressing to the workers on November 11 that "they are not to work
for
Serbia or the northern part of the city (Kosovska Mitrovica), since
Serbia has
lost the war".
"UNMIK and KFor in Kosovska Mitrovica are not only violating the UN's
Resolution 1224 which explicitly demands the respect of sovereignty
and
territorial integrity of FRY, but also their own regulation number
1991/1 which
directly says that UNMIK has no jurisdiction over the private or stockholding
property", Bijelic said.
The reason why employees were prohibited to work in the factories of
the
plant has nothing to do with the multi-ethnicity, Bijelic says. If
so, how to
explain UNMIK's ignorance of the letter addressed to Bernard Kouchner
on
August 26 by stockholders' council of the "Trepca" plant saying that
they
would immediately employ 500 workers of Albanian nationality. There
has
never been an answer to the letter.
"Unfortunately, it becomes more obvious that the most responsible UNMIK's
officials are being benefit to the Albanian separatists and terrorists
in
achieving their historical goal: ethnical cleansing of the territory
from the
non-Albanians", Bijelic estimated.
(Jack Kelly: More killing in Kosovo)
http://www.post-gazette.com/forum/19991107edkelly6.asp
"When we know the Serbs did it, we
say the Serbs did it," said a NATO
official who, for reasons which
will become obvious, spoke anonymously
to an American researcher. "When
we don't know who did it, we say the
Serbs did it. And when we know the
Serbs didn't do it, we say we don't
Deyan Kiuranov
So far there have been three distinct stages in the attitude of the
international media towards Kosovo Roma. During stage one, from infinity
-
and the beginning of the NATO war against Yugoslavia until the end
of June
of this year - Kosovo Roma did not exist. Stage two that followed was
somewhat briefer and lasted for about two months. During that stage,
Kosovo Roma began to exist and their problem was that, along with Kosovo
Serbs, they were victims to a mass Albanian vendetta, a fact unfortunate,
but apparently understandable to specialists. With the end of the summer
news-lull, the Kosovo Roma ceased to exist again, possibly for a new
infinity. So, if a follower of the international media is to recall
today
something tying the word Roma to the word Kosovo, the best s/he could
reasonably be expected to arrive at would be a memory of a vendetta
carried out against one very short-lived media entity.
The general reasons for this can, in the last resort, all be traced
back
to racism. The particular ones in the case in point can not; or, if
we
still insist on calling their motive force racism, it would be a racism
untypical. There is a paradox here: the particular plight of Roma in
Kosovo was misrepresented not due to Western prejudices against Roma
in
particular; it was misrepresented due to general Western prejudices
against the people and the situation in the Balkans as a whole.
Initially, the international media packaged NATOs attack on Yugoslavia
as
an armed humanitarian intervention on behalf of an oppressed minority.
This attitude would suggest a heightened interest in everything local
that
had to do with human rights violations, especially related to ethnicity.
Nothing of the sort occurred. The ethnic interest went only as far
as
covering the cleansing of ethnic Albanians from Kosovo. This act was
perpetrated by the enemy and justified the intervention. Any other
ethnic
issue, no matter how important it would be locally and how many lives
were
involved, was systematically disregarded, apparently with the aim of
not
muddling in the public mind the clear case for intervention. That is
why
in the first stage, despite the fact that there were thousands of Kosovo
Roma among the other Kosovar refugees, the media did not notice their
presence in the convoys and the camps. Their presence would only have
complicated an issue made media-simple.
In this, the international media stopped being public informers and
embraced the role of public indoctrinators. Initially this change was
subtle and seemed slight and harmless enough: the cleansed Roma were
being
amalgamated with other victims of the Serbs, and the fact that they
were
not being distinguished ethnically from other victims of the Serbs
appeared negligible in the general picture of the war. However, with
the
end of the war, the international press looked as if it were forced
into a
blatant lack of objectivity and wilful misrepresentation of the situation
of the Roma, as a result of its own inertia of indoctrination. In a
bizarre way, these developments in their simplicity resemble a medieval
moralité: a small initial false step ultimately brings total moral
downfall.
The media had the war matter cut into two simple lumps: us and them,
the
good guys and the enemy. As long as the Kosovo Roma were victims of
the
enemy, they were associated with us, but, as mentioned, it was expedient
not to recognize them as a separate entity within the mass of Albanian
refugees. Then the first clashes between Kosovo Albanians and Kosovo
Roma
took place in the common camps and had to be reported. How should that
newly sprung entity, the Kosovo Roma, be cast for the convenience of
the
public? They were nobodies who were having trouble with the Kosovo
Albanians, the people that we were there to defend. And these people
were
gallantly returning the gesture: by forming an active military arm,
the
KLA, they had become our allies in war. At this point the logic of
war
totally replaced the logic of human rights, or even basic professional
and
human decency. It was to be a foe of a friend is a foe.
Seeing the Kosovo Albanians now as an ally in war rather than as victims
in need of protection, the press, following the lead of the warring
coalition, treated them as more equal in human rights terms than the
Kosovo Roma. Ultimately, the international media assumed the attitude
that
it was not all right for Serbs to violate the human rights of Kosovo
Albanians, but it was all right for Albanians to violate the human
rights
of Kosovo Roma. When Albanians began to signal, through a wave of vicious
attacks, that Serbs and Roma were not welcome in the new Kosovo,
international authorities acquiesced. They had become dependent on
their
new ally in Kosovo.
Still, the process had to be made presentable to the public. Systematic
crimes against non-Albanians in Kosovo could not go unmentioned forever.
Therefore they had to be explained away. So the media executed an
about-turn and became all of a sudden very ethnically conscious. Obscure
ethnic idiosyncrasies replaced the clear military and political reasoning.
The object was to look for the original causes, the reasons for Albanian
abuses of Roma. What emerged was a picture of a strange breed of people,
the Kosovo Albanians. They apparently differ from other people by not
having moral sense nor being answerable to international law, but this
is
trivial. What isnt trivial is their hatred for Kosovo Roma as a result
of
the latters alleged responsibility, along with Kosovo Serbs, for crimes
against Kosovo Albanians. The international media effectively agreed
with
this collective accusation. They portrayed what the Albanians were
doing
to the Roma not as a crime, but as a punishment.
Lets look at just one example. It comes from an article deliberately
chosen, for it is one of few articles in the international media which
in
its general tone is sympathetic to the Roma of Kosovo (Time Magazine,
August 2, 1999); it is also uncharacteristically balanced, for we can
find
quoted there, besides the ubiquitous accusations by Kosovo Albanians,
also
denials by Roma of their being implicated in atrocities. Yet even this
story concludes: Despite the end of the war, Kosovo remains divided
by
ethnic violence, its Roma population the latest victims of a seemingly
endless cycle of aggression and retribution. The reader is led to believe
that, after having been the aggressors, the Roma are now compelled
to pay
the price of retribution for their crimes; it is part of a process,
poetically described as an endless cycle, which, the reader is supposed
to
understand, no Western presence could dream of ending.
Beside such simplistic suggestions of cycles and backswings, for the
more
scholarly reader there was the background knowledge that Albanians
have in
their culture a tradition of collective revenge inherited from their
exotic history. The public was supposed to picture this historic revenge
as poetic justice of the eye for an eye type. And all these soft data
were
packaged in the message This is the Balkans. In the Balkans, as we
know,
they are happy if they get even that type of justice; in fact, they
are
not happy with any other type. We should let them have it, lest they
misbehave further. This is not orthodox racism, but it is a way of
thinking based on racist stereotypes. And its manifestation in the
media
points that it is probably widely shared by the supposedly enlightened
international community. Said community is hereby invited to condescend
and understand those poor uncivilized Albanians who know no better.
As to
the Roma, they made their appearance in the media cast as the guilty
victims. In response to concern over the violation of rights of Roma
during the occupation, the ERRC time and again drew only one reaction
from
international journalists: Is it true that Roma collaborated with Serbs?
Human rights organizations were not present in Kosovo during the war
and
could not have collected such evidence. But they were present during
the
occupation and were offering the media testimonies of freshly perpetrated
atrocities by Albanians against the Roma. This information has been
systematically disregarded.
Thus we come to stage three, when the Kosovo Roma vanish again from
the
news. The reason is not that killings, abductions, rape, arson and
forced
eviction of Roma have stopped in Kosovo. On the contrary: the reason
for
lack of reporting is that everything continues, on a slowly diminishing
scale, as less and less Roma are left in Kosovo. Monotonous and repetitive
news of continuing killings and arson is evidently regarded as news
of
inferior quality. It is doubtful that the Kosovo Roma would ever be
heard
about worldwide.
This might be just too bad: the international media might be missing
their
chance of informing the world of the deep and sincere gratitude of
the
Kosovo Roma. They are today people who still live, displaced and in
danger, in their native Kosovo, or try to shelter in an improvised
foreign
camp with no bright prospects. But they should doubtless see their
own
plight from the viewpoint of the international media, and thank the
international community for liberating them from the oppressive regime
of
Mr Milosevic. We must admit that the international community has achieved
this feat in a rather revolutionary, even Marxian manner: the oppressed
were freed, besides Milosevic, from such bourgeois fetters as their
private property (houses, tractors, cars, clothes, money), as well
as
occasionally their lives, and in all cases their human dignity and
their
internationally sanctified human rights. No problem: there would be
experts ready with the opinion that the best of Marx has become absorbed
in the Western cultural tradition.
contact European Roma Rights Center
at [email protected]
last changes: Monday, December 13, 1999
© ERRC 1999. All rights reserved
KOSOVO POLJE,
December 20 (Tanjug) - The family of Vladica Maksimovic,
who was arrested
by KFOR troops two months ago on the grounds of an
anonymous
complaint filed by Kosovo Albanians, on Monday appealed to the
United Nations,
the KFOR and UNMIK, and all people of good will to help
Maksimovic,
as he has fallen ill because of the bad conditions in the
jail in which
he is kept.
Maksimovic,
who is the father of three small children, was incarcerated
in a dark
and cold room and abused by KFOR troops, the family said, and
he subsequently
fell ill.
After persistent
daily pleas, Maksimovic managed to secure a medical
examination,
but the further treatment recommended by the doctor has
been denied,
they said.
Maksimovic,
a former traffic policeman, was working as a University of
Pristina driver
when he was arrested.
Orahovac, December 22nd, 1999
- Serb educational workers from
Orahovac and Velika Hoca sent today
an open letter to the KFOR
commander and UNMIK chief in Orahovac,
expressing their firm
protest regarding the Albanian terrorist
crimes, which occurred on
December 17th, when ethnic Albanian
terrorists killed one and
wounded eight Serbs, and requesting
the KFOR and UNMIK to
finally start implementing the UN
Resolution 1244.
According to the radio-amateurs,
the letter states that the crimes
in Kosovo-Metohija reached their
climax with the KFOR arrival to
this province.
KFOR and UNMIK in Orahovac are hiding
behind the concept of a
multiethnic Kosovo-Metohija, and
working against the Serbs. They
are keeping educational workers
in a concentration camp, the
so-called modern Auschwitz, and
exercising already known methods
of destroying a nation.
"We accepted the schools to be opened
in the camp, believing that
we would benefit to the normalizing
of the situation and put an end
to depression and fear among our
children, who were exposed to
war operations and vicious terrorist
attacks from the very
beginning. Our school is located
in the center of the camp and it is
protected to a certain degree, but
after the massacre we ended
the classes", reads the letter.
Ethnic Albanians are allowed to move
throughout the camp, but the
educational workers stopped believing
in their good intentions. "Our
children are exposed to daily fears
that some of the terrorists could
brake into our school and take their
lives using weapons and
bombs", stress the workers from
Orahovac and Velika Hoca.
"Please, try to provide peace for
all people in Kosovo-Metohija.
Activate at least a part of your
power to end this escalating
violence, as you would do in the
countries you came from", reads
the letter adding that KFOR and
UNMIK have to, according to the
UN Charter, protect children in
Kosmet and provide them with
normal lives.
Kouchner transforms Goranies into
Albanians
January 18, 2000
Pristina, January 18th - National
community of Goranies have
filed a strong protest regarding
KFOR's and UNMIK's behavior
on the territory of the parliament
community of Gora
and in the entire Kosovo-Metohija,
said National
community of Goranies.
Gora community is a special territorial
unit with more than 17.000
inhabitants, out of which 95% are
Goranies. The civil administrator
does not allow operating of the
local self-management in Gora and
he allowed occupation of the community
building and all public
institutions by so called KLA members
who are not from the
territory of Gora.
All Goranies who used to work in
public services and firms are left
jobless. With the arrival of KFOR,
Albanian extremists and
terrorists, several houses were
set on fire and robbed, and bombs
are thrown at Goranies property.
The use of the Cyrillic alphabet
is prohibited, schoolyards are full of
tanks and armed vehicles which have
the task to frighten pupils
attending the lectures in Serbian
language. In this manner they
exert pressure and threaten with
albanisation of the inhabitants.
With the arrival of KFOR, Gora is
facing the most difficult situation
from its start.
Not putting Security Council's Resolution
1244 in effect has brought
about the moving out of Gora's inhabitants,
jobless workers,
seizure of apartments and restaurants,
the lack of health
protection and the prohibition of
using the words in native
language.
The report points out that courts
in the community of Gora were
among the best in the Republic of
Serbia regarding the results and
promptness. Today Kouchner appoints
only the Albanian judges
who issue warrants for bringing
the inhabitants without any reason.
Public transport, post office and
other communications are not
operating, so there are no contacts
with civilians and relatives from
the interior of the Republic of
Serbia where more than 12.000
Goranies live.
Humanitarian aid can not arrive from
the Republic of Serbia due to
safety reasons, and the inhabitants
of these regions are on the
brink of existence.
There is no border with the Republic
of Albania, so the robbers
devastating Gora can cross it. The
Republic of Serbia factually has
no border with the Republic of Albania
because KFOR does not
provide it.
We strongly demand Security Council's
Resolution 1244 to be fully
put into effect in order to preserve
multi-ethnic Kosovo-Metohija
and create conditions for personal
and property safety of citizens
without difference considering affiliation,
religion and language, the
report emphasizes.
Gnjilane, February 25, 2000 (Tanjug)
- Soldiers of the 11th KFOR
contingent even today provoked the
Serbs in the village of Koreciste
in Gnjilane community, report the
radio amateurs.
An American Lieutenant mistreated
Nenad Vasic and Dejan Djordjevic
with a cocked pistol due to false
statement of an Albanian drivers
transporting send through this village
saying the two Serbs threw
stones at them.
Some 20 local residents blocked the
road until the Lieutenant,
whose name is unknown, called for
help. Many KFOR soldiers
arrived on the spot and dispersed
the gathered Serbs with five
troop carriers and aimed guns. Their
protest was recorded with a
camera.
The local residents believe the American
officer had
stage-managed the event, that is,
he got the task to provoke the
incident in order to show "belligerency"
of the Serbs in the village
with the tape.
The Serbs were calm again and dispersed
quietly, not falling for the
provocations of the officer.
In evening hours, KFOR soldiers search
young men and women of
the Serbian nationality to no useful
purpose, report the radio
amateurs, saying there were no large
conflicts between the
American soldiers and the local
residents, but that interpersonal
relations have been lately deteriorated
and that the village
representatives demand protection
of KFOR soldiers.
As the illustration of the developments,
the radio amateurs report a
local resident's appeal asking KFOR
soldiers not to step on the
wheat planted fields. The reply
was: "We are feeding you, so we
can step on wheat"!
PRISTINA, Yugoslavia (AP) Thu,
2 Mar 2000:-- A crowd of chanting Serb
civilians surrounded a platoon of
U.S. soldiers for
six hours in a small village in
eastern Kosovo,
angrily insisting they hand over
a Serb suspect
detained in a weapons search, U.S.
officials said
Thursday.
The standoff in Gornje Kusce, two
miles north of the
town of Gnjilane, ended only after
the 15 soldiers
conducting a weapons search sought
reinforcements and
the Serbs let them leave, said Maj.
Debbie Allen, a
spokeswoman for U.S. forces.
No injuries were reported, but the
government-run
Yugoslav news agency Tanjug said
American troops beat
up three Serbs and arrested one.
U.S. officials could
not be reached for comment.
The standoff began Wednesday evening
when soldiers
conducting a weapons search detained
a Serb man after
finding two AK-47s and several hundred
rounds of
ammunition in his home. Some 200
Serbs gathered, and
refused to disperse despite efforts
by the soldiers to
negotiate their way out.
After three hours, the troops called
for
reinforcements. About 60 soldiers
arrived, but could
not extricate the platoon. More
reinforcements were
called, but the situation was defused
only when the
crowd permitted the soldiers to
leave with the
suspect.
About 100 soldiers had converged
on the tiny village
by the time the standoff was over.
The village was the site of a massive
funeral for a
Serb doctor slain last week.
Tanjug said the standoff occurred
because U.S. troops
conducted a ''brutal'' search in
the village. Serbs
were especially angered by the appearance
of
''uniformed ethnic Albanians together
with the
Americans.''
It was unclear who the ''uniformed
ethnic Albanians''
were but ethnic Albanian interpreters
who accompany
American troops wear green camouflage
fatigues and
helmets like the U.S. soldiers.
Belgrade, March 18th - KFOR soldiers
have, without any
apparent reason, harassed passengers
in a convoy
comprised of six buses heading from
Nis towards
Gracanica yesterday, for two times
after the convoy
passed the administrative border
of Kosmet and Serbia
proper, allegedly in search of weapons.
First, the KFOR soldiers stopped
the convoy near the
village of Beli Kamen, located near
the administrative
border of Kosmet and Serbia proper,
and kept them there for more than an hour and a
half, failing to find any weapons.
The convoy, on its way back, was
again stopped in the village of Slivovo, when all
passengers were again forced to
leave the bus with their luggage.
FORT BRAGG, N.C., March 22, 2000 (Reuters)
Five U.S.
soldiers in the same battalion as a soldier charged
with raping and murdering an 11-year-old
ethnic Albanian girl have
been disciplined for using excessive
force against civilians in
Kosovo during a peacekeeping mission
in January, a military spokesman
said on Tuesday.
The five
paratroopers were ordered to take a reduction in rank,
forfeiture of pay, perform extra
duty and have their activities
restricted in the decision handed
down earlier this month for
incidents that took place in January,
said Maj. James Marshall, a
spokesman for the Fort Bragg military
base in North Carolina.
Civilians
in Vitina, Kosovo, complained that the soldiers had
assaulted and threatened them during
interrogations and crowd-control
duties on Jan. 9 and 10. Some women
also charged that the soldiers
had touched them inappropriately.
The U.S.
military is still investigating two battalion officers
with Task Force Falcon in Kosovo
who were on duty during the
incidents in question, Marshall
said.
LIPLJAN:
ALBANIAN TERRORISTS TRIED TO KIDNAP GUDZIC FAMILY, FINNISH KFOR
AGAIN
LET BLOODHOUND DOGS AT SERBS
(Politika daily, 4.
3. 2000)
Albanian terrorists tried to kidnap
Boban, Bogdan, Stevan and Angelina
Gudzic from Dobrotina village. They
were returning from Lipljan in their
car.
The persons received major physical
injuries during the attack. Boban
Gudzic was stabbed with a knife
under his left eye, and his father
Bogdan was stabbed in his right-hand
shoulder. Fortunately, the attempt
did not succeed, since they managed
to escape.
The Serbs from the village have blocked
the road through the village,
but the Finnish KFOR soldiers tried
to scare them away by shooting in
the air. Afterwards, as in the case
the other day, the Finns let
bloodhound dogs at Serbs. (*)
(Politika daily, 18. 3. 2000)
Shock bombs are used to intimidate and should not cause any permanent
effects on health
condition: however it is apparent that the soldiers have not directed
them to the ground,
but towards the people.
In the action of changing the division line within the Serbian part
of Kosovska Mitrovica
French KFOR soldiers have used the explosive devices for breaking the
demonstrations, to
put it mildly, in the incomprehensibly brutal manner thus causing major
physical injuries to
15 Serbs. Among the gathered people there were women and children at
whom shock
bombs and tear gas has been launched. The result was; a man got his
foot smashed and
one woman had to have her foot amputated.
"The shock bombs have the best effect when fired in the closed space,
and are generally
used by specialist units during the antiterrorist activities in, the
so-called 'rescuing the
hostages' actions. When activated they produce light of 15 million
cd and the noise of 140
decibells within the area of 15 m. The terrorists should be instantly
dazzled and shocked by
the sudden unbearable noise, but the permanent health damages should
not occur", says
Branko Bogdanovic, firearms expert.
"The shock bombs are very rarely used for breaking the crowds and the
demonstrators,
and it is quite obvious the Frenchmen fired them directly into the
civilians", he concluded.
============================================================
On the same event:
Stun-grenades shot directly at peaceful protesters
March 18, 2000
Kosovska Mitrovica, March 17th - Some 2.000 Serb protesters
attempted to prevent the French soldiers from applying
Kouchner's decision on introducing a safe area along the
northern bank of Ibar 100 meters wide. The French soldiers
have on two occasions shot tear gas and stun-grenades at the
gathered people, among which there were women and
children. As a result of this action one man's foot got crushed,
and one woman's foot was amputated.
The stun-grenades, according to the weaponry expert, Branko
Bogdanovic, are rarely used to disable the mass and to break
up demonstrators.
"The stun-grenades have a true effect in a confined area, and
are usually being used by special units during anti-terrorist
intrusions, in the actions of saving hostages for example. In the moment
of activation,
they emit light of 15 million cd and create noise of 140 dB in the
area of 15 meters
radius. By the stun-grenades, the terrorists are being blinded immediately
and shocked
by the immense sudden noise", said Bogdanovic, adding that usually
they should not
cause any permanent physical damages.
However, it is obvious that the French soldiers fired the stun-grenades
directly in the
people's bodies instead of the ground, and that this was the reason
why such serious
injuries occurred on the demonstrators.
(Borba daily, 18. 3. 2000)
German policemen stationed in UN- ruled Kosovo-Metohia have accused
UN mission
(UNMIK) chief Bernard Kouchner of personally stopping an inquiry into
the crimes of the
ethnic Albanian terrorist Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA).
The Saechsische Zeitung newspaper of Dresden on Thursday quotes a classified
report to
the effect that German policemen had launched an inquiry into KLA members
and the
self-styled local "mayor" in the Prizren area for expelling Serbs and
for racketeering.
However, while policemen were preparing for a raid, they received a
verbal order from
Kouchner that the operation was to be stopped and the inquiry filed,
unnamed German
policemen told the Dresde newspaper.
The classified report quoted by the paper lists evidence that the KLA
is trying to organise its
own power structure in that Serbian (Yugoslav) province apart from
the UN mission.
Gnjilane, March 17th 2000 (Tanjug) - Eleven Serb families have
moved out of Novo Brdo municipality, and the position of the
remaining Serbs is extremely grave, according to the local
Serbian Church Council. The Council was quoting a meeting
earlier in the day between local Serb representatives and
representatives of the transitional international administration.
The remaining villagers in Paralovo, a Serb village of 22
households in the Gnjilane municipality, say that two days ago,
ethnic Albanian terrorists gave them just 15 minutes to leave,
or die.
Colonel McCole tried to explain the exodus of Serbs from the
Novo Brdo municipality by "economic" rather than security
reasons, provoking indignation and protests from the Serb
representatives.
This American Colonel stated this even though he is aware that 200 interlopers
from
neighbouring Albania have settled in Novo Brdo, usurping Serb miners'
homes.
Kosovska Vitina, April 14th, - KFOR patrol refused to arrest 20-year-old Albanian, who, on October 22nd last year, killed teacher Milivoje Ilic from Binca near Kosovska Vitina with a gun shot, radio amateurs reported today.
This young Albanian was identified by late Ilic`s family near Serbian Orthodox Church St. Petka in Vitina. The family appealed to the nearest KFOR patrol demanding that this Albanian be arrested. The patrol refused to do so, explaining that they were not authorized for such actions and that it was UNMIK police's responsibility.
UNMIK police arrived only after one hour, as the amateur radio report
says, but in the meantime
Albanian interpreter warned his suspected compatriot and he
managed to run away.
KFOR has arrested Serbs so far even without the International Police's
presence, without evidence and
according to false charges on the Albanian side.
Ilic was wounded on October 22nd last year, radio amateurs remind,
when a group of Albanians ran into
his front yard, allegedly looking for their tractor. When Ilic
said that there was no tractor around, the young Albanian shot him in cold
blood, after which the terrorists escaped from the crime scene by car.
Milivoje Ilic died from his wounds a month later.
KOSOVSKA MITROVICA, Yugoslavia –– Kosovo Serbs protested Wednesday in
the province's most tense city and in the nation's capital, Belgrade,
demanding swift trials for jailed relatives and information on missing
Serbs.
Elsewhere in Kosovo, a grenade and machine gun fire wounded five Kosovo
Serbs, the private Beta news agency reported.
About 500 protesters – many of them wives, children or other relatives
of Serb prisoners – gathered outside the jailhouse in Kosovska
Mitrovica, an industrial city bitterly split along into ethnic Albanian
and Serb sectors.
"Let truth conquer doubt," read one banner, while others pleaded: "Give
me back my dad" and "My father is innocent."
"We are aware of the problems regarding Kosovo's judicial system," the
local NATO commander, French Brig. Gen. Pierre de Saqui de Sannes,
told
protesters, alluding to the backlog of cases awaiting trial because
of
lack of personnel and inadequate legislation.
Relatives said the 37 Serb prisoners in Kosovska Mitrovica had not eaten
since April 12 in protest to the "unbalanced treatment" they allegedly
received at the hands of NATO. They said they were being held
indefinitely, with little or no prospect of court action.
Local Serb representative Oliver Ivanovic said the Serb side would
expect U.N. and NATO peacekeepers to come up with a solution by the
end
of the week.
"This is a unique legal case, with prison inmates protesting not over
whether they are guilty or not, but over a lack of trial," Ivanovic
told
protesters.
In Belgrade – which is capital both of Yugoslavia and its largest
republic, Serbia – the families of several hundred missing Kosovo Serbs
held a protest march demanding their loved ones be released or at least
accounted for.
Here the banners shouted: "Where is my grandpa?" and "We want our
children back!" They asked for information on the 1,200 or so Serbs
believed abducted or killed in Kosovo since early 1998. Most are
believed to have fallen victim to ethnic Albanians seeking revenge
for
the Serb crackdown that ended in June after NATO's bombing campaign.
There is speculation that some of the missing Serbs are alive and being
held in secret, Albanian-run prison camps. However, NATO-led
peacekeepers have found no such prisons.
The protesters in Belgrade directed their demands toward several
parties: the authorities of Yugoslavia, NATO countries with troops
in
Kosovo, U.N. officials now running the province and the International
Committee of the Red Cross.
Holding photographs of the missing, the protesters marched past the
Yugoslav parliament and embassies of several NATO member countries.
Meanwhile, at least five Kosovo Serbs were wounded Tuesday night, when
an unidentified man hurled a grenade into a shop in the town of Cernica,
20 miles southeast of Pristina, Beta reported. The man then opened
fire
with a machine gun. One person was seriously injured, while the others
were slightly hurt, Beta said.
NATO officials in Pristina confirmed the attack, but said six people
had
been wounded. They said a grenade was thrown, but did not mention
machine gun fire.
Kosovo Polje, May 10th (Tanjug) - UNMIK civilian administrator for
Kosovo Polje, Ugo Trojano, today barged into the session of the
Executive Board of the Serbian National Assembly (SNA) of that
osmet district and ordered that the meeting be ended at once, it was
reported from that Assembly.
Members of the Executive Board asked the administrator for an
explanation of his actions and asked why he was interrupting the work
of
the representatives of the Serbian people from Kosovo Polje. But, instead
of an explanation, before the ending of the session, Trojano ordered
that
the president of the Executive Board, Ratomir Maksimovic, leave the
premises and the building under threat that he would be arrested by
UNMIK police.
Maksimovic replied to such behaviour of the civilian administrator,
that he
was the representative of the Serbian people and that Trojan`s behaviour
was uncivilized and that it did not apply only to him but to the whole
Serbian people in Kosovo Polje.
"This is one more proof of how the Resolution 1244 is conducted in
Kosmet and what are the intentions of UNMIK representatives towards
Serbian representatives and towards whole Serbian people, under the
mandate of the Resolution 1244" it is stated in the announcement.
Gnjilane, June 7th (Tanjug) - In Cernica near Gnjilane, on Sunday, 4th
of June, KFOR
soldiers humiliated Serbs in the most brutal and utterly inhuman way,
by literally riding
on their backs. The maltreatment and humiliation of Serb citizens lasted
for three whole hours, before and after
midnight.
Reinforced squad of more than 60 American KFOR soldiers dashed, on Sunday,
4th of June at 10.30p.m. into
Serb part of multiethnic village Cernica called Donja Mala. From that
part of the village, shots from automatic
weapons were heard on several occasions, about an hour and a half before
KFOR carried out a raid. According
to testimonies of the Serbs who live there, shots were fired by an
Albanian.
KFOR soldiers used this shooting, which was deliberately carried out
in the Serb part of the village, and began the
search of seven Serb houses.
The interior of Dobrivoje Menkovic`s house was completely demolished
during the reckless search, and the old
head of the household was literally ridden, although Dobrivoje has
a heart condition and a few years ago he had
heart surgery. The humiliation reached its climax when an American
soldier climbed on the back of ill Dobrivoje,
first pushing the old man, very hard, from the bed in which he was
sleeping. Dobrivoje found himself on all fours.
In that moment, KFOR soldier sat on the back of the ill old man and
while sitting he lit a cigarette which
he smoked for fifteen minutes, treating him like an animal.
After that, other American soldiers also pushed this seriously sick
man of his bed, rolled him over, pushed his face
against the floor and dragged him around the room.
A comment by a reader: "Russian soldier
is attacked and beaten, his weapon seized by
Albanian extremists. No one is arrested.
But a far less serious pretext
was used two days ago by British
KFOR troops to fire point-blank on
Serbian civilians....Physically
assaulting a Russian KFOR soldier is no
grounds for arrest: Only Serbs qualify
for that treatment. As they do
for being abducted from an intensive
care unit by British troops."
By MEMLI KRASNIQI, Associated Press
PRISTINA, Yugoslavia (June 8, 2000
10:42 a.m. EDT
http://www.nandotimes.com) - NATO-led
peacekeepers transferred a Serb
prisoner from a hospital in the
monastery town of Gracanica before dawn
Thursday, a move apparently aimed
at preventing further demonstrations
for his release.
In other developments, U.N. police
Thursday detonated a bomb found under
a car in front of the main police
station. U.N. police said the bomb
contained two pounds of plastic
explosives and could have killed anyone
within a 30-50 foot radius.
The NATO-led peacekeepers also said
a Russian soldier was attacked and
beaten by five Albanian men Wednesday
evening while he was on patrol in
the western city of Pec. The soldier's
weapon was also taken, the
peacekeeper command said in a statement.
The Serb prisoner was hospitalized
after a riot Tuesday in the Serb
enclave of Gracanica, five miles
south of Pristina. He was detained for
allegedly trying to shoot a British
general who had waded into a crowd
to calm tensions after a grenade
attack.
Hundreds of Serbs crowded around
the hospital to demand the suspect's
release.
Fearing further demonstrations,
peacekeepers removed the man from the
hospital at 2:45 a.m. and took him
to an undisclosed location, where he
will continue to receive treatment
for his wounds, said Maj. Damien
Plant, a spokesman for the British
forces.
In Belgrade, the independent Beta
news agency said the prisoner, Nebojsa
Stojanovic, was in the intensive
care unit of Gracanica hospital when
British soldiers broke into the
building. Swedish troops were reportedly
guarding the hospital grounds.
Beta also said that Stojanovic was
transferred to a NATO hospital in
nearby Kosovo Polje.
The agency quoted local Serb surgeon
Dragan Peric, as saying the armed
British soldiers behaved "rudely
and violently," ordering the medical
staff to remain inside one room
while they took the patient away. The
local Serb council demanded NATO
peacekeepers "free their patient" and
apologize.
British troop representatives later
met with Gracanica Serbs to assure
them that Stojanovic was transferred
for "security reasons" and that his
case would be handled correctly,
Beta reported.
According to Beta, NATO troops Wednesday
arrested another Kosovo Serb in
Gracanica, Dragan Zelenovic, in
connection with the riot there.
Tensions in Gracanica have risen
after a surge of attacks which Serbs
believe is a campaign by ethnic
Albanians to drive them out of Kosovo.
Many Serbs blame the peacekeepers
for failing to stop the attacks.
Along Kosovo's boundary with Serbia,
five Serb policemen were wounded
Thursday in a land mine explosion,
an independent news agency reported.
A police car patrolling near Konculj
ran over the land mine, the
Belgrade-based Beta news agency
reported, quoting government sources.
His Excellency Kofi Annan,
Secretary General,
United Nations,
United Nations Plaza,
New York, NY
10 March 2000
Your Excellency.
I
have been an ardent supporter of the United Nations for
about 45 years. There is also a year in my academic background
of
International Law study (Columbia University, 1958/9}. For 26
years I
have taught African History at the University of California
at Berkeley.
All of this should tell you that I have been on the right track
for a
long time.
I am, however, facing a real crisis of conscience about
where the UN is going under your leadership in respect to Kosovo.
Following the NATO "air war" (24.3.1999-6.6.1999) wich, in scant
eleven
weeks, mauled International Law that took centuries to develop
after its
Dutch founder, Grotius, an "air war" that shreded the UN Charter,
you
have appointed Bernard Kouchner as the UN Representative at
Kosovo. Let
me first tell you something about Monsieur Kouchner.
His one noted achievement has been to found Doctors without
Borders. Beyond that, I am sorry to say, he has consistently
repudiated
the philosophy and morality underpinning that Orgnization. He
has been,
for the past 7-8 years, France’s most vocal and most aggressive
anti-Serb hate-monger. I have personally listened between 6
to 10 times
to his venomous diatribes, delivered in a bombastic, pontificating
and
abrasive manner. The depth of his visceral Serbophobia has surfaced
in a
recent widely noted event. His Medecins sans Frontieres just
received
the Nobel Peace Prize. One day later, it expellled the members
of its
Greek Chapter. The reason? They tended to wounded Serbs. I cannot
think
of anything that could sink MsF lower than a political
act negating the
Hippocratic oath of its members and re-erecting ethnic frontiers
while
imbedding its raison d’etre in a world without any.
Clearly, Mr. Kouchner is far from being an ideal choice
for his current job. The evidence is overwhelming since he took
it. NATO
delivered Kosovo to the ethnic Albanians. With M. Kouchner’s
blessing,
it also delivered the whole of this ethnic group to the Kosovo
Liberation Army, a combination of undesirable elements in any
society,
deriving its nationalist extremism from two strands. One is
the Albanian
Communist Party. The other is the Nazi Skender Beg Division
of World War
II that had engaged in widespread atrocities against the Kosovo’s
Serbs
and initiated the massive "ethnic cleansing," tipping in the
process the
demographic balance in favor of ethnic Albanians.Despite the
presence of
some 40-50,000 NATO troops, Kosovo under Mr. Kouchner, has seen
a
relentless "ethnic cleansing" from it , not only of the Serbs
but also
of other, numerically smaller, ethnic and or religious groups.
Instead
of associating his administration with the one ascertained and
moderate
leader, Ibrahim Rugova, acceptable to most "Kosovars," instead
of
putting his body on the line in real defense of Human Rights,
M.
Kouchner has allied himself with Hakim Thaci and Agim Ceku,
the general who should be at the
Hague Tribunal as a war criminal (Krajina, August 1995).
It is also becoming increasingly apparent that
M. Kouchner is quite prepared to violate even his own mandate
and
authority in order to pave the way for transforminga de facto
"Kosovo-for-Kosovars only" into de jure status of an independent
entity,
severed from Yugoslavia. He has thus, most recently, decreed
that the
Trepca Mining Complex, owned and run by Yugoslavia, must be
trensferred
to the "Kosovars" (I use the appellation in quotes as it has
been
unjustly confined only to ethnic Albanians of Islamic Faith).
He has
also acted to sever its financial and economc ducts with Yugoslavia.
In
so doing, without authority, M. Kouchner is effectively stealing
something that does not belong to him while using NATO as his
enforcer.
In short, he is committing a criminal act, not merely a symbolic
political gesture toward his Albanian nationalist friends.
If you believe, Your Excellency, as I think you
do, in the absolute need for the rule of law, if you are really
for some
just resolution of the Kosovo Problem, as I think you are, it
is
imperative that you sack M. Kouchner and appoint someone else.
There are
many potential candidates, not tainted with hate-mongering,
with
Serbophobia or, for that matter, with anti-Albanian or anti-Muslim
sentiments or both.
Respectfully Yours,
Raymond Kent
(Glas Javnosti, 16. 6. 2000.)
Nis - At present in Yugoslavia acts of both armed and unarmed aggression
are taking place. The armed aspect of the aggression is occurring in
Kosovo, where the Military-Technical Agreement of Kosovo and Resolution
1244 are not being honored, and Serbs and other non-Albanian residents
are being killed every day.
The unarmed aspect is the destruction of everyday political life for
the
purpose of further dissolving the country and the attempt to amnesty
war
criminals from their crimes. Our people call this treason. And when
the
Yugoslav Army attempts to get involved in all this, then it is called
dangerous destruction," said the commander of the Third Army,
general-lieutenant colonel Vladimir Lazarevic, in Nis on Thursday on
the
occasion of the celebration of June 16, Yugoslav Army Day.
Emphasizing that international forces in Kosovo are not honoring
Resolution 1244, Lazarevic said that he believes in and is waiting
for
the return of the army to Kosovo because, without the army, "there
will
be no peace in the Balkans". He accused international forces of
incorporating Shiptars into their ranks, emphasizing that KFOR uniforms
were also worn by Albanians from Kosovo as well as those returning
from
abroad.
At a press conference Lazarevic assessed that in the south of Serbia
the
Kosovo scenario is being implemented "to detach this part and annex
it
to the province, all with the goal of the complete secession of Kosovo,
the dissolution of Yugoslavia and the destabilization of Serbia".
"The Pcinj district with Presevo and Bujanovac and Medvedje in Jablanica
district are being called eastern Kosovo by the Americans who are
encouraging terrorism there," said Lazarevic, adding that the village
of
Dobrosin is a nest of terrorism in the south of Serbia. (*)
June 15, 2000
Gnjilane, June 15th - Demand of the Serbs in Gnjilane on collective
freeing from paying the communal obligations did not meet the approval
of the UNMIK administration, since the bill collectors - of uninational
(Albanian) structure - are coming to doors of the remained Serbian
homes with the payment bills.
The bill amounts for electricity
consumption are enormously high. Tomislav Ivkovic got the electricity
bill
for April and May this year, which amounted to 1448 DEM, and Rade
Ristic got the bills of 1 011 DEM for April and May, while virtually
every
consumer receives the three-figured bills, which are naturally expressed
in
Deutch Marks.
The distributor of electrical power figured out that Serbs did not receive
their pensions in Deutch Marks, so he enabled them to pay in Dinars
through UNMIK and charging them 25% more. Thus, the two month
electricity bill of Ivkovic family would be around 42 000 Dinars, i.e.
more
than 40 month pensions.
Serbs cannot bear such expenses because Albanian extremists expelled
them from the companies and institutions a year ago, and they have
no
employment incomes. It is well known that several hundreds of Serbs
in
Gnjilane, who were forced out of textile, tobacco, agriculture and
building
plants and factories, from "Zitopromet", from printing firm, trade
companies
etc. - have received no compensation for over a year, except for 30
education workers, who are paid by the appropriate Ministries of the
Republic of Serbia.
Serbs hold that paying the communal services and high bills of public
utilities
are another pressure to move out while the UNMIK administration has
a
great role in these aspirations.
Based on interviews with observers in Mitrovica
Edited by Emperors-clothes (6-22-00)www.tenc.net [emperors-clothes]
On June 21, 2000 at around 9:30 AM, local time, UNMIK (the UN command in
Kosovo) organized a provocation in the northern part of Kosovska Mitrovica. A
caravan of secessionist Albanians was organized and this caravan was then
paraded around the streets section with an official escort of KFOR vehicles,
as if the KLA people were visiting dignitaries.
Some people responded to this provocation by throwing a few stones as a
gesture of defiance against NATO. In minutes, a dozen UNMIK police cars
arrived on the scene at Anke Spajica Street.
It is of course customary to judge a thing by its label, but these UNMIK
policemen didn't spring out of the ground in Kosovo. They were in fact
American "peace officers."
We are all familiar with how US policemen are screened and trained for the
job. We have seen the fruits of their training in their treatment of black
people in the US, not to mention protesters in Seattle and Washington.
Systematic violence is their method of herding human beings.
A bunch of these US cops jumped off the UNMIKM vehicles and with a
threatening posture approached the first group of the Serbs they saw, a group
of young men standing in front of a shop. The cops demanded the youths
identify the "perpetrators" The young men didn't know; they hadn't seen the
incident. The US policemen pressed hard and tried to drag some of the youths
into their vehicles. The other Serbs rushed to defend these victims and the
peace officers responded with what is called in the US "legal measures
against those who resist arrest:" they beat them with billy clubs.
The attack by US police, wearing a different, UNMIK uniform, developed into a
street battle when police called in the enforcement. The end result was
twenty Serbian civilians injured, two with gunshot wounds, the rest severely
beaten up, five with serious head injuries, many blinded with pepper spray
and other US-made "harmless" control chemicals, some with burned faces.
Here are the names of the two Serb victims, shot by the brave US policemen,
Clinton's heroes:
BRANISLAV VLASKOVIC , 30, seriously wounded in the belly. BOZIDAR
NEDELJKOVIC, with a bullet inflicted wound in the arm.
The official UNMIK communiqu?© on the incident stated that "two Serbs, three
Albanians and two UNMIK police officers were injured in the incident;
eventually a few warning shots were fired in the air." What else could the
world expect from the US trained UNMIK? ***Further reading:
This incident, in which US policemen, employed by the UN mission in Kosovo,
used KLA members in an effort to terrorize the local Serbian population is
typical of how NATO and the UN have functioned in Kosovo. See the interview
with the Jewish leader in Pristina, Cedomir Prlincevic, "Driven from Kosovo"
at http://www.emperors-clothes.com/interviews/ceda.htm
In both Mitrovica and during the Seattle WTO demonstrations, police tactics
were marked by provocation and inappropriate force, i.e., brutality. The
difference: in Mitrovica, the bullets are not plastic.
See Jim Desyllus' "Collateral Damage in Seattle," widely praised as the best
account of what happened in Seattle.
http://emperors-clothes.com/analysis/collater.htm
In the aftermath of the police attack there, abused residents of Seattle got
a taste of 'the Serbian treatment.' See Masks! by Jared Israel and T.V. and
Alida Weber at http://emperors-clothes.com/analysis/faking.htm
Is the brutality in Mitrovica an exception? It's much worse in the Kosovo
town of Orahovac where NATO and the KLA are in full control. See Save the
families: The women of Orahovac speak at
http://www.emperors-clothes.com/misc/savethe.htm You can Order Judgment now!
You probably recall the famous pictures of an emaciated man behind barbed
wire in a so-called Bosnian death camp. These pictures were flashed around
the world in 1992 and they had a big impact. They convinced millions that the
Bosnian Serbs were monsters. Presidential candidate Clinton and President
Bush competed over who could den0once the Serbs most harshly.
Emperors clothes has made a movie that proves these pictures were a hoax.
Using original footage it shows how ITN, the British news station, fabricated
the pictures. That is, we show you: a)What was really happening at Trnopolje,
where the pictures were shot. B) How the ITN crew staged the pictures to
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that Fooled the World.'
This film jogs the mind that has been fogged with lies; it jogs the mind to
life, to doubt, to think!
Suggested donation for a copy of the video: $25 inside the US, $26 outside
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and to whomever you can. Everyone needs to see how we have been lied to.
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(Oh! Sweet
humanitarians! First you leave the Serbs to be killed by Albanian terrorists,
without giving them proper protection, and when they react you cut off
your "humanitarian" aid; you punish them by not rebuilding what your "humanitarian"
governments destroyed for "humanitarian" reasons. Hell, which is already
full of hypocrites, waits for you too!
The Webmaster)
PRISTINA, Yugoslavia, July 1 (AFP)
- Kosovo peacekeepers have
cut off humanitarian aid and convoys
services to Serbs living in the
isolated southern town of Strpce
after ongoing unrest in the
enclave, a spokeswoman said Saturday.
The decision by the
US-led KFOR troops in the southeastern
sector came after Serbs rampaged
through UN and KFOR offices a week
ago following the murder of a local
farmer, said Major Debbie
Allen.
Due to the "continuing
lack of cooperation" from the Serb
community KFOR would stop escorting
Serbs to other Serb centres and
would withdraw aid such as road
repairs, bridge building and school
projects in the moutainous enclave,
she said.
But she said KFOR would
still provide emergency medical aid and
had set up an extra checkpoint for
the community, surrounded by
ethnic Albanian villages.
After attacking the
UN offices, Strpce's Serbs withdrew all
cooperation with the international
community, while 14 local Serb
police officers resigned in protest
at the international community's
position on Kosovo's Serbs.
Most Serbs in the south
of the Yugoslav province live in
enclaves under the guard of international
troops, while those in the
Serb-dominated north have more freedom
of movement.
The UNHCR refugee agency
suspended all aid to the Serb area of
Kosovska Mitrovica, the main town
in the north, for a week after
Serb rioting left five UN vehicles
destroyed and one French aid
worker was beaten.
KOSOVSKA MITROVICA, Yugoslavia, July 18 (Reuters) - NATO-led peacekeepers
fired tear gas and shot in the air on Monday night to disperse a crowd
of
Serbs in the flashpoint Kosovo city of Mitrovica, a spokesman for French
forces said.
Some members of the crowd took a United Nations police officer captive
late
in the evening but later released him, said Oliver Ivanovic, the leader
of
the Serb community in the city.
``The police officer was released around 0100 (2300GMT) on the demand
of the
majority of the people gathered,'' Ivanovic said.
The NATO-led KFOR peacekeeping force said it could not confirm the abduction
but one Serb said he had seen an officer, possibly Indian, being bundled
into
a car earlier in the night.
The crowd had gathered after U.N. police arrested a Serb man in the
Serb-dominated north of the ethnically divided city, said Lieutenant
Colonel
Philippe Eriau, a spokesman for the French forces which patrol the
northern
city.
The crowd went to the outside of the U.N. police station and threw stones
at
peacekeepers, he said.
``The situation was quite tense at one moment,'' he added. ``There was
a need
for KFOR to use tear gas to clear the area.''
Several Serbs in northern Mitrovica said they had seen U.N. police fire
into
the air. Eriau said he believed it had been the French troops who patrol
the
city who fired the shots.
He said the situation had calmed after the peacekeepers dispersed the
crowd.
Four people were slightly injured, apparently by tear gas canisters,
Eriau
said.
Brigadier General Jean-Louis Sublet, commander of Kosovo's French-led
northern military sector had been on the scene and held talks with
Ivanovic,
Eriau said.
Ivanovic said the group of people who had abducted the police officer
had no
connection with his Serbian National Council political grouping. He
said one
Serb had been wounded in the leg by warning shots from a police officer.
Mitrovica, a northern industrial city, is postwar Kosovo's most dangerous
flashpoint. It has been the scene of several serious clashes involving
Serbs,
peacekeepers and members of Kosovo's ethnic Albanian majority.
Eriau said the Serb man had been arrested on suspicion of having set
fire to
the car of an ethnic Albanian man last month.
http://www.jsonline.com/news/intl/ap/jul00/ap-kosovo-clash071800.asp
[Comments by an American: "How's
this for objectivity? But the KLA provocateurs
are never - never - described as angry or 'hard-line.'
They're just doing their job - and Kouchner's - in a
calm, matter-of-fact manner. You know, cold-blooded,
methodical killers. NATO's kind of guys".]
French Troops Battle Angry Serbs
Associated Press
Last Updated: July 18, 2000 at 3:10:06 a.m.
KOSOVSKA MITROVICA, Yugoslavia - French troops fired
tear gas to disperse hundreds of Serbs who massed
around a U.N. police station to demand the release of
a Serb arrested for allegedly burning cars, a French
spokesman said Tuesday.
Four Serbs and two U.N. policemen were injured in the
clash, which began about 11 p.m. Monday in the Serb
part of this ethnically divided city, French Lt. Col.
Philippe Eriau said. One of the policeman was
hospitalized.
It was the second confrontation in less than a week
between Serbs and peacekeepers in this northwestern
Kosovo city, divided by the Ibar River into Serb and
ethnic Albanian communities.
On Friday, four grenades were fired from the ethnic
Albanian side, touching off about three hours of Serb
protests, which ended without injuries.
The latest violence erupted hours before the arrival
of NATO Secretary-General Lord Robertson and
ambassadors of the NATO-member states for a firsthand
look at the situation in Kosovo more than a year after
the beginning of the NATO peacekeeping mission.
Robertson arrived early Tuesday and met the
peacekeeping commander, Brig. Gen. Juan Ortuno of
Spain.
The Kosovska Mitrovica clash occurred as the U.N.
mission is trying to convince Serbs to register for
municipal elections in October, the first
internationally supervised balloting in Kosovo's
history.
Most Serb leaders are resisting until the United
Nations and NATO can guarantee their security and
allow thousands of Serbs to return to Kosovo, which
they fled after Yugoslav forces withdrew at the end of
the 78-day bombing campaign in 1999.
The leader of the largest Serb community left in
Kosovo has assured international officials that he
will not stand in the way of Serbs who may want to
register. However, Oliver Ivanovic said Monday that he
did not believe many Serbs would sign up until the
United Nations takes steps to allow more than 200,000
Serbs to return here.
The Democratic Party of Kosovo said talks with international officials
had
resolved most of the issues which prompted it to freeze participation
in the
Interim Administrative Council (IAC), the centrepiece of a power-sharing
structure set up by the U.N.
Party leader Hashim Thaci said he had held talks with Bernard Kouchner,
the
French head of the administration, and representatives of the six-nation
Contact Group.
``After assurances from Kouchner and representatives of the Contact
Group, we
decided to continue our work in the IAC,'' Thaci told a news conference
in
the Kosovo capital Pristina.
www.serbia-info.com/news=A0
July 17, 2000
Kragujevac, July 17th - President of Albanian Democratic Reform Party
and president of Peace Association Board, Sokolj Cuse, said today in
Kragujevac that a large number of Albanians who are not citizens of
Serbia and Yugoslavia applied at the population census organized by
Bernard Kouchner in Kosmet.
Marking that Kouchner`s population census is illegal and opposed to
the
Security Council Resolution 1244, Cuse said that listing of Albanians
who have never lived in Kosmet and who are not citizens of Serbia and
Yugoslavia is one more reason why Serbs, Albanians, Turks and Gorans
have not answered this census and for the same reason they will not
go
out to the elections.
Reminding that one of Organization for Security and Cooperation in
Europe (OSCE)`s representatives has recently threatened Serbs that
they
will lose their property unless they answer the census, Cuse said that
Serbs remain resolute in their decision to boycott Koucher`s census.
"The pressure on citizens who are for joint living in Kosovo-Metohija,
as it had been before KFOR and UNMIK came, is great and directed towards
their listing, but we are aware that only united we can preserve
ourselves and stop the anarchy conducted in Kosmet by Kouchner, Thaqui
and other terrorists", Cuse said.
GNJILANE, Yugoslavia (AP) - The murder trial of a Serb
man and his two sons,
accused of killing an ethnic Albanian in a shootout in Kosovo,
took a
dramatic turn Friday when the trial judge said American troops
confirmed they
killed two people at the scene that day.
Judge Patrice De Charette said the admission was contained
in a 130-page
report submitted by U.S. authorities Friday to the court trying
Mirolub
``Mirko'' Momcilovic, 60, and his sons Jugoslav, 32, and Boban,
25. They are
accused of killing Afrim Gagica on July 10, 1999, in a confrontation
in
southeastern Kosovo.
De Charette, who is French, would not give further details
of the report,
saying it would be admitted into evidence Monday. However,
a U.N. official
familiar with the case said the Americans now confirm that
they - and not the
three Serbs - killed Gagica. The official spoke on condition
of anonymity.
U.N. and NATO officials in Kosovo's capital, Pristina,
refused comment,
saying it was a matter for the U.N.-run court. U.N. spokeswoman
Susan Manuel,
summarizing a report from de Charette, said the Americans testified
that one
man had been firing at an observation tower where U.S. soldiers
were
stationed.
The armed man then fled into a shed, pursued by an American
soldier who
fired two explosive rounds near the building and ``successive
rounds into the
shed door,'' Manuel said. U.N. officials, speaking on condition
of anonymity,
said Gagica was killed at a shed.
It was unclear why the U.S. Army waited so long to provide
information in a
case that has dragged on for more than a year (IS
IT SOOOO UNCLEAR???).
The case emerged at a time when key figures in the U.S.
Congress were
objecting to establishment of an international criminal court,
arguing
American soldiers on peacekeeping missions might someday be
charged with
offenses committed in the line of duty.
On Thursday, the Army asked the court to reconsider the
detentions of
Momcilovic and his sons because an investigation by the Army's
Criminal
Investigation Division had uncovered ``additional investigative
materials.''
The U.S. military had already admitted it shot a man in
the area that day,
Naser Azemi. The military insisted that U.S. troops were attacked
and were
following the rules of engagement when they killed Azemi in
self defense.
In a statement released Thursday, however, the Army said
it reopened the
investigation after receiving an inquiry from the media, and
that it passed
on its findings to the court.
``Based on the preliminary findings ..., Task Force Falcon
immediately
passed the recently developed information to the Gnjilane District
Court
president for a review of the Momcilovics' detention status,''
the U.S.
European Command said in a statement released in Germany. ``Additionally,
U.S. Army Europe will conduct a comprehensive systematic review
of the
circumstances in this matter.''
The latest evidence marks another strange chapter in the
case against the
Momcilovics, which began during the early, often turbulent months
of the
international peacekeeping mission in Kosovo.
The trial began April 25 and was suspended the following
day after the
defense asked to introduce a security videotape showing some
of the events of
the day of the shooting. Although the tape does not indicate
who killed
Gagica, it shows the elder Momcilovic answering the intercom
of his
motorcycle repair shop and speaking with a stranger who ultimately
demanded
that he come out and surrender his weapons.
Gun drawn, a man later identified as Gagica tried to kick
the door down as a
group of his armed companions looked on. An exchange of gunfire
followed.
Minutes later, U.S. troops entered the picture.
Although the tape does not show who shot Gagica, human
rights observers have
long contended that it raises reasonable doubt that the Momcilovics
were
responsible. The court refused to accept the tape into evidence,
saying it
could not determine whether it had been altered.
Still, the judge allowed the tape to be shown Friday in
the shabby
courtroom, with thick red curtains and a blue U.N. flag that
had a notice
stitched on it indicating that the proceedings would be translated
into
Serbo-Croat, Albanian and English.
The Americans did not testify in the case because the Momcilovics'
attorney
relied on U.S. military statements taken from the 35 soldiers
interviewed. He
cited the cost of travel from their base in Germany as another
reason for not
calling them to the stand.
AP-NY-07-21-00 1554EDT
Friday July 21 3:33 PM ET
By Andrew Gray
PRISTINA, Yugoslavia (Reuters) - A Kosovo court Friday
heard new evidence suggesting an ethnic Albanian man
killed last year may have been shot by U.S. soldiers,
not three Serbs who have spent a year in prison
accused of his murder.
U.S. forces have already acknowledged killing one man
after being fired upon in a shootout in the city of
Gnjilane. But testimony just provided by U.S. military
authorities says a U.S. sniper also shot a second man,
the trial judge said.
``These are obviously new elements and we have to
discuss them,'' French Judge Patrice de Charette told
the court, in remarks made available to reporters by
international staff present in the courtroom.
De Charette, one of several foreign judges brought in
by Kosovo's U.N. administration to ensure impartiality
in a society with deep ethnic hatreds, was summarizing
material in a new 130-page document submitted to the
court Tuesday.
In a case that had already sparked fears of a
miscarriage of justice among international observers,
Miroljub Momcilovic and his sons Jugoslav and Boban
are accused of the murder of Afrim Gagica and of
illegal possession of firearms.
They were arrested immediately after the shootout,
which took place July 10, 1999, only a few weeks after
the NATO-led KFOR peacekeeping force moved into Kosovo
and when the province was awash with revenge attacks
by Albanians on Serbs.
The Momcilovic family, which ran a car repair business
in the city, have stated that Gagica and several other
ethnic Albanians came with weapons to attack them in
their home.
The court saw evidence Friday from security cameras
that the defense says backs up their case.
De Charette said the court would discuss the new
evidence from the U.S. military when the trial
continues Monday.
The U.S. Army has provided no explanation as to why
the new information was not provided more quickly. In
a statement released Thursday, it said it had reopened
its investigation into the case last month after a
query from a reporter.
``Information from the second CID investigation
provides the Gnjilane District Court prosecutor with a
more thorough and complete investigation concerning
the death of Mr. Gagica,'' the statement said.
As far back as April, Amnesty International warned
that the trial of the Momcilovic family -- which began
with a panel of ethnic Albanian judges who refused to
admit the video evidence -- risked being a serious
miscarriage of justice.
``The participation of KFOR soldiers in the exchanges
of gunfire may also cast doubt on the accusation that
it was the Momcilovics who were responsible for the
death of Afrim Gagica,'' the respected rights group
said in a statement at the time.
Saturday, 22 July 2000
THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
[The beleaguered minority communities of Mitrovica have now been
promoted from being "hardliners" to being "unruly." Watch how
often you
see this new buzzword in the 'free' press over the next few days. It's
as though someone was writing a master script. Someone in Brussels,
say,
or in Langley, Virginia.]
KOSOVSKA MITROVICA, Yugoslavia - The NATO-led peacekeeping force
increased its presence yesterday in the Serb part of this divided city
after Serb leaders warned of further protests.
Demonstrations will continue if the United Nations takes "undemocratic"
actions such as the arrest earlier this week of an activist whose
subsequent detention triggered rioting and protests, the Serbs said.
The Serb-dominated north bank of the Ibar River was calm yesterday,
one
day after Dalibor Vukovic, 24, was freed without bail. An ethnic
Albanian judge released him until a hearing to be held within two weeks.
He is accused of arson, theft and assault in the burning of an ethnic
Albanian's car last month.
U.N. spokeswoman Susan Manuel said that as a condition of his release,
Vukovic was ordered not to associate with "undesirable groups," which
she said meant Serb militants who watch over the main bridge linking
the
Serb and ethnic Albanian parts of the city.
Vukovic was one of the Serb "bridge watchers."
Although the charges were not dropped, Serbs hailed Vukovic's release
as
a victory because it galvanized the Serb community here in Kosovo's
most
ethnically tense city. The four-day confrontation also underscored
the
tenuous hold that the United Nations and the NATO-led peacekeeping
command maintain over the largest Serb community left in Kosovo.
Vukovic's arrest Monday night triggered rioting in which several people,
including Serbs and U.N. policemen, were injured. Attacks against U.N.
vehicles forced U.N. police to suspend patrols for a while.
Angry Serbs stole weapons from U.N. policemen, made off with computers
from a suburban police station and ransacked at least one policeman's
apartment. The crisis led Daan Everts, Kosovo head of the Organization
for Security and Cooperation in Europe, to warn that the credibility
of
the international mission here was at stake.
With U.N. police seemingly unable to control the situation, the
commander of the NATO-led Kosovo Force, Lt. Gen. Juan Ortuno, announced
yesterday that KFOR was increasing its military presence in the Serb
area "to affirm the rule of law."
He would not say how many troops were being deployed.
Review of International Affairs
July, 2000
By Zoran M. Balinovac
Deputy Minister for Justice of the Republic of Serbia
UNMIK's human rights "experts" came to Kosovo and Metohija at the same
time
as KFOR and the terrorists of the so-called Kosovo Liberation Army,
to
make enquiries", "to talk to Albanian and Serb lawyers", to examine,
educate,
announce... To Albanian lawyers to announce what they care very little
about: a democratic and non-discriminatory judiciary. To give to understand
to the Serbs an end to what did not exist: an anti-Albanian judiciary.
Albanian secessionists, the old turncoats, knew full well that the American
language of human rights was in. They kept complaining about alleged
Serb
persecution for advocating the rule of law. The same individuals who
used to
owe their high positions in the judiciary to their exemplary moral
and
political suitability and servility to the secessionist power structures
in
Kosovo. They were the same individuals who, following the inauguration
of
the 1990 Constitution of the Republic of Serbia, refused to serve in
the
judiciary that was far more independent than at in which they had occupied
their high posts. They were the same individuals who sent hundreds
of
thousands of Kosovo and Metohija Serbs on the roads with an icy-cold
indifference, in the name of their secessionist justice and "equality
of
peoples and nationalities"...
I. GENESIS AND FACTS ARRIVAL OF "EXPERTS"
The "experts" treat justice as a commodity, as a mechanical tool devoid
of
any sociological, cultural or political aspects. The judiciary is an
difice
where judges, the accused, witnesses and attorneys all walk and talk.
There
are also telephones, computers, hearings, and time between the hearings...
The rule of law comes into being when a good relationship is established
between the number of judges, computers, telephones and freshly painted
exteriors of the buildings. When they are now told that behind those
reshly painted facades and that beside the new typewriters Albanian
ethnic
prejudice runs wild, that the witness accounts of many Albanians often
contradict the laws of physics because a body cannot be in two different
places at the same time, that honest Albanians use all kinds of excuses
to
avoid having to stand in court and give false testimony, that Serbs
are
afraid to appear as witnesses because they do not know whether they
will be
shot or arrested in court, that photos of Serbs are affixed in public
laces
in the southern part of Kosovska Mitrovica inviting Albanians to testify
against them, that some Albanian interpreters deliberately mistranslate
Serbian words and that oddly enough, not all of them can be attributed
to
computer error, the "experts" say that they are not responsible either.
Judiciary is independent and specific cases cannot be commented on",
explain the
red-faced robots and self-indulgently begin to tell their story of
working to the point
of exhaustion, of having to purchase computers
themselves, of writing reports, making arrangements for seminars, of
getting to know the legal system of Kosovo, of creating... The only
thing they
cannot say is what they are creating exactly.
Those are the people who are putting in place a "multi-ethnic",
"non-discriminatory" and "democratic judiciary" in Kosovo and Metohija.
Their unexplained confusion perfectly fits the job they have really
come to
do: to install, under the guise of multi-ethnicity, a monster having
to
justify the NATO aggression by Serb convictions on alleged charges
and to
give wings to Albanian secessionism and force the remaining Serbs into
exile. The curtain on the political performance called UNMIK justice
was
about to be raised. What was needed was only for the Serbian judiciary
to
go to exile and for the so-called "KLA" to denounce a sufficient number
of
Serbs to be arrested by KFOR.
EXODUS OF SERBIAN JUSTICE
The political judiciary could only have emerged as a result of endless
nurturing of Albanian ethnic bigotry and serious historical fraud.
Of
course, Serbs were the odd ones out for all concerned: UNMIK, KFOR
or
secessionists. Everything was common knowledge. It was common knowledge
that Serbs would not agree to be an alibi for the disgrace of the secessionist
majority and that they would be forced into exodus fleeing the terror
and
violence. However, the opportunity to give Serbs a lesson was not missed.
UNMIK has its own official version of the past and the present, its
own
series of myths and forgeries. Those who do not comply are penalized
by new
forgeries and myths. Under the guise of multi-ethnicity, Serbs had
to be
given to understand that they are the guilty party and advised how
to
re-deem themselves. They were told that they should give up their past
and
their own State and become a shadow in the "multi-ethnic" judiciary.
The
expected refusal has been calculated to give rise to further UNMIK's
forgeries and myths: Serbs have been and remain to be responsible for
the
lack of a multi-ethnic judiciary; Serbs have been and remain the opponents
of the democratic judiciary.
The "experts" made known to the Serbs that an end had been put to "judicial
discrimination" and that a democratic judiciary was being created.
What they
did not say was what this discrimination was about or who, when and
how
empowered them to negate the Serbian justice system. The Serbs knew
from
experience that the myths of the "experts" would take them back to
1971 and
the injustice of the Albanian secessionists. They resisted this masquerade
and refused to repent the misdeeds they had not committed. They explained
that the judiciary was not solely made up of those whose absolute law
was
secession and that Albanians had not become judges and public prosecutors
for fear of revenge of the secessionists, nor had they held those positions
because of Serbian discrimination1... All this was in vain. All resistance
was met by stale platitudes or by silence on the part of "experts".
When
anger gets the upper hand over their gentlemanly behavior, their lack
of
morality comes into full view. They simply make it clear that they
are just
humble human rights priests, but that they are not susceptible to the
different point of view. True, they are "educators", but those carrying
the
stick. And indeed they carried it. The stick was not represented by
facts
and rights, but rather by Albanian secessionists and KFOR.
While the "experts" recite their visions, the terrorists and KFOR are
emptying Kosovo and Metohija of its Serbs. The secessionists kill 2,
abduct 3, expel members of the judiciary, they set their homes on fire,
force their
way into judicial institutions, seize them, issue threats and go on
a
rampage.4 As early as the middle of June 1999, there were no Serbs
in the
jurisdiction of the District Courts in Pec and Prizren. As soon as
the
secessionists lost momentum or were not tough enough, KFOR stepped
in. In
late June 1999, US Marines forcibly took the buildings of the judicial
authorities in Gnjilane, Kosovska Kamenica and Vitina, emptying them
of the
items.5 On the afternoon of June 25, 1999, the Marines broke open the
doors
on the District and Municipal Courts in Gnjilane and the Public
Prosecutor's Office in this town. They took out all office equipment
and files. The
Serbian staff were banned from entering the premises. Machine guns
were
placed in front of the building. They posted signs in both Serbian
and
Albanian saying that the building was occupied by the United Nations.
Martin Garrod, UNMIK Administrator for the District of Kosovska Mitrovica,
a
retired British general, forcibly took possession, on July 20, 1999,
of the
building housing the District and Municipal Courts and the Offices
of the
District and Municipal Public Prosecutor. He ordered the staff out,
banning
them from re-entering any more. He had the flags of Serbia and Yugoslavia
removed, displaying two flags of the United Nations. In mid-June 1999,
the
judges and public prosecutors of Serbia lived, but not worked, only
within
the jurisdiction of the municipal courts in Kosovska Mitrovica and
Leposavic
and in the villages near Pristina, Lipljan, Kosovska Kamenica and Vitina.6
They were all in the same business, that of applying violence, but in
various forms. The "experts" used verbal and KFOR and terrorists physical
violence. The Serbian judiciary was immune to the learned "experts".
However, it was powerless to resist the crimes of Albanian secessionists
and
KFOR. This is the reality and is, therefore, absent in UNMIK's official
versions.
THE VANGUARD OF JUDICIARY: ALBANIAN DENUNCIATIONS
No sooner had KFOR arrived than it began to punish the local Serbs for
alleged crimes committed during the war. The question, therefore, arises
as
to how KFOR, which came to Kosovo and Metohija between June 10-20,
1999,
could have known about any crimes? The answer is simple: it had at
its
disposal the committees of the so-called Kosovo Liberation Army with
their
lists of "Serb butchers", with their "intelligence" and their version
of
the situation. KFOR gladly accepted the lists and intelligence, encouraging
the
terrorists to fresh falsehoods and denunciation. Pointing the finger
of
blame at Serbs and the servile arrests of Serbs are the pillars on
which the
judiciary was built in the Province. Consequently, it was doomed to
failure
even before it came into being.
Let two documents of UNMIK police speak for themselves.7
1) An UNMIK Detective Inspector wrote to the Deputy Commissioner of
UNMIK
police on May 28, 2000: "X was arrested by KFOR on October 22, 1999
and is
currently detained in prison in Mitrovica, Kosovo. His name figured
on the
list of 63 names given to KFOR by the 124th Unit of UCK for the alleged
massacre in Celina, Kosovo, on March 25, 1999. This list was handed
to KFOR
by Ismet Tara on June 18, 1999. X applied for a UNHCR convoy out in
October
1999, which was before his arrest" (emphasis added by the author).
The word
of Ismet Tara given on behalf of the so-called "KLA" was sufficient
to
arrest this Serb, who has now been in jail for ten months on a very
flimsy
evidence.
2) An employee of the French Department of Justice and counsellor of
the
French gendarmerie, by his order of July 2, 1999, ordered a fortnight
in
prison for the Serb Y. The sentences, which can very loosely be termed
an
explanation, enunciated as "evidence": "Whereas he was imprisoned while
wearing a T-shirt, obviously worn on a regular basis, having a crest
similar to the Chetnik crest, even if the shirt did not bear resemblance
to the one
worn by members of this movement... several people were murdered by
various
weapons near his home, on another occasion a murder was committed in
front
of his house under mysterious circumstances, and finally, he was portrayed
on Albanian television as commander of the Serbian forces of Mitrovica"
(emphasis added by the author). The "evidence" is a crest looking like
the
Chetnik one, a T-shirt like the one worn by Chetniks (although French
gendarmes were not sure), that some persons were killed in the vicinity
of
the house owned by the arrested individual (it is not said who, when
and
where), that a person (it is not indicated who, when and where) was
killed
in front of the arrested person's house, and lastly that television
Tirana
(they gave no name of the programme or the time it was shown) labeled
the
arrested person commander of Kosovska Mitrovica! Who in his right mind
could have believed that French gendarmes could have known how Chetnik
crest and
T-shirt looked like and also the locations where the phantom killings
took
place during the war and what television Tirana reported on? The gendarmes
signed an order dictated by the secessionist hand and encouraged the
latter
to lie like a gas-meter at subsequent court hearings. At the time when
the
arrest warrant was signed, the interpreter was Mark Murati. Who is
this
person? Judging by all indications, he is a member of the so-called
"KLA"
wearing a French uniform and a "liaison officer". Mark Murati cuts
another
sad figure in what follows below.
Serbs were first held in KFOR, and later UNMIK police custody for as
long
as it took (sometimes even twenty-one days) to find "witnesses", to
prepare
them psychologically and teach them to lie to the court. The Law on
Criminal Procedure allows only a three-day police custody, but who
gives a damn
about this provision. It was not an inclination towards abiding by
the law but a
routine co-operation between the so-called "KLA", on the one hand,
and KFOR
and UNMIK, on the other, that resulted in Serbs being held in police
custody for a maximum period of ten days since November 1999. While
the "KLA"
fabricates and manufactures events and selects the few witnesses,8
Serbs
are being threatened to be handed over to terrorists in an effort to
extort
self-incriminating evidence from them. The two Serbs who have been
into the
tenth month of custody have described their treatment by UNMIK police
in
the following terms:
a) Statement of the Serb number 1: "Arthur and a gendarme (fair-haired,
about 1.90 cm tall) said that what I had said the day before was not
true.
They said they treated me well but if I kept on lying, they would have
to
turn me over to 'UCK' - 'KLA'. They said they would beat me, that they
would deny me food. I was allegedly on 'KLA' list because I ostensibly
killed,
raped and looted, as well as that the 'KLA' would give a lot of money
to
get me... Every time I said something that did not please them, the
fair-haired
gendarme, who sat at a distance of 40 cm from me on my right side,
would
reiterate threats related to 'KLA', which happened at ten-minute
intervals... This time Arthur was not accompanied by interpreter Bedxhet
but by a gendarme who spoke Serbian. His name is Mark Murati... Then,
Mark
Murati said that if I refused to say so, they were going to take me
to
'UCK', which had methods to extract that from me".
b) Statement of the Serb number 2: "After that, three gendarmes,
interpreter Bedxhet and myself climbed into a jeep and they took me
to Vucitrn for
interrogation. I was scared at that moment because I knew that the
situation there was very risky. When we came to Vucitrn, they took
me to an office...
They started interrogating me... They told me they were going to put
me
into solitary confinement to have a re-think... because if I did not
reveal
anything, interpreter Bedxhet told me that they would take me to 'UCK'
headquarters, who would treat me differently... Bedxhet told me I was
listed tenth by 'UCK' and that they put DEM 1,800 on my head... Then
came Mark
Murati, a Kosovo Albanian, a gendarme... Mark began to shout at me
saying
he was not like the rest of them smiling at me. He come close to my
face and
began to threaten me (that I was going to be in prison for twenty years,
that no one would know my whereabouts, that I would not see my child
for
twenty years)... They did not let me smoke a cigarette when I needed
to...
They told me to tell the truth and they were going to let me have a
smoke.
We are treating you nicely but if we turn you over to 'UCK', you know
what
will happen to you... We know you are not a killer, that you are only
a
witness... Does one keep a witness in jail?"
Also indicative is testimony of the "national work" of another Albanian
interpreter. British KFOR arrested a Serb on July 9, 1999, after the
Albanian interpreter in question advised - no one knows where, why
or how -
a wounded Albanian to identify as a suspected killer among the four
searched Serbs and Albanians the only Serb who had a mustache. That
fact was very
convenient for lying in making positive identification. The same
interpreter later took part in the search of the home of the arrested,
which was
tolerated by the British. When the arrested person's family protested
that
the interpreter tried to steal some footwear, the British removed him.
THE BIRTH AND MORAL DEATH OF THE "JUDICIARY"
No sooner had the Albanian secessionists falsely accused a sufficient
number of Serbs in order for KFOR to make their arrests, and no sooner
had
virtually all Serb judges and public prosecutors left Kosovo and Metohija
than UNMIK decided to put the judicial system in place there. At first,
it
was termed "ad hoc" (the term accurately describes the substance).
The
pseudo-legal basis of the "ad hoc judiciary" seems to be contained
in the
so-called UNMIK emergency regulations 1/1999 and 2/1999. In civil societies
courts are established first, their types and competence are determined,
the status of judges is precisely defined and, last but not least,
judges are
appointed. UNMIK's "non-discriminatory" and "multi-ethnic" monster
was
established the other way around. First, judges and public prosecutors
were
appointed by secret procedure without notices announced, after which
courts
and public prosecutor's offices were established. They were all ad
hoc in
nature, all district-level type intended for the prosecution of serious
crimes, with an initial term of three months renewable upon expiry.9
The purpose and nature of courts and offices of public prosecutors have,
thus, purposely become dependent upon the number and traits of the
people
forming them. They have become dependent upon people having a thick
secessionist record and poor knowledge of law, bent on proving their
loyalty to the so-called "KLA", even at the cost of a legal vandalism.
The most
notorious in that respect is probably Etem Rogova, "ad hoc" and the
current
President of UNMIK's District Court in Prizren, who is the examining
judge
in the case of sixteen Orahovac residents framed for a war crime against
the civilian population. Incidentally, the same judge was relieved
of his
duties on the Municipal Court in Prizren in January 1992. This lead
man of the
Prizren judiciary "did not handle cases as they were filed or according
to
their urgency, as required by the rules of procedure for courts, but
as he
deemed it fit. Namely, as regards easier cases... in more than eighty
instances he failed to initiate action from the date on which the case
was
referred to him from three months to five years, and in some cases
even
longer than that - eight or ten years. As far as cases in hand were
concerned, no records of proceedings were taken on the hearings held
and
decisions reached, nor had the decisions been rendered within the periods
prescribed by the law, but only after one or two years had elapsed...
In
his monthly progress reports he referred to the same cases twice or
showed
pending cases as closed ones... He was often absent from work, i.e.
he
spent more of his working hours at his wife's seals and prints business
than at
the court... Neither in the written statement nor in his intervention
at
the municipal sitting of the Supreme Court of Serbia did he challenge
the
evidence presented or directly and specifically refuted any piece of
evidence".10 The situation is similar with some other UNMIK's judges
and
Presidents of Courts.11 Albanian elite has absenteed itself from UNMIK's
courts and public prosecutors' offices. The few Serbs who were appointed
in
Pristina and Kosovska Mitrovica have said goodbye to UNMIK's brand
of
justice.12
The purpose of these UNMIK courts had been defined before KFOR and UNMIK
came, and it was only a question of everybody playing his part. The
scenario was as follows: The secessionists would denounce Serbs to
KFOR for
fabricated misdeeds; KFOR would then arrest Serbs and hold them hostage,
even though they were innocent and guiltless, until some court or other
is
established to charge them with the most serious crimes and until UNMIK
has
set up its courts to take over jurisdiction for Serbs from KFOR. The
secessionists blinded by hatred were known from the past to be ready
to go
to great lengths. They schemed against the Serbs and others who were
in
favor of Serbia and, without shame or regard for the profession and
for the
serious violation of fundamental human rights, they blamed them mainly
for
the crime of genocide, war crimes and other serious crimes.13
Criminal cases against Serbs are deplorable evidence of justice
administration as complete instrumentality of politics. Centuries-old
legal
principles, laws, international conventions and logic itself have become
a
complete shambles. It is not hard to fathom why. The secessionists
do not
aspire to put in the dock people with names but the Serbs, Serbia and
Yugoslavia. Therefore, the individual is unimportant to them and his
rights
do not count. The accused is merely a symbol for confabulation to build
upon; he is a chance victim to pillorize Serbia and Yugoslavia. These
symbols (accused persons) are relatively carefully chosen. They are
mostly
those Serbs who, because of the nature of their occupation or some
other
character traits, had been in contact before the war with a large number
of
people who can now give false testimony that they had seen them during
the
war ("I know him. He drove a bus before the war; I know him. He owned
a
cafe which my son-in-law used to frequent; I know him as the dentist
who
extracted my tooth; I know him; he played soccer with my son", etc.).
If
need be, other names may be added to those already branded as the accused.
Let me give an example. Thirty or more Albanian witnesses have only
picked
on the manufactured accused. In November 1999 or thereabouts, a Serb
commanded a strong influence among his countrymen. But there was an
unexpected turn of events. Another two eye-witnesses linked that Serb
with
the accused persons. One of the witnesses even claimed that he ordered
executions of civilians! Having realized that they went too far, they
stuck
to stereotypes again. This is an excellent illustration of one of the
main
features of UNMIK's justice. It is, inter alia, an instrument of pressure
on the Serbs to move out of Kosovo and Metohija. No Serb is safe from
arrest,
if secessionists set their mind to it. It is no wonder that the indictment
brought in against Dragisa Peica on May 15, 2000 says that thirty-one
Serbs
of Slovinje were co-accused in the crime of genocide. It was no accident,
either, that the investigation in the case against Ljubisa Mladenovic
was
recently extended to include twenty-two other respectable villagers
in
Gornja Brnjica.
Legal grounds for remand in custody have also been ridiculed and used
for
secessionist purposes. The highest court declares: "The Court finds
that,
whereas it is notorious in Kosovo and Metohija at present that people
of
various nationalities cross into the Republics of Serbia and Montenegro
without ID documents, and whereas all relations between Kosovo and
Serbia
and Kosovo and Montenegro have ceased to exist after the arrival of
the
peace-keeping forces, there is therefore an apparent risk of flight
of the
accused if released... Taking into account the tension between various
nationalities living in Kosovo as well as the method of commission
and the
consequences of the crime, the release of the accused may upset the
citizens
to such an extent that a smooth conduct of criminal proceedings and
safety
of people make an extended detention necessary" (Order Pn 27/99 of
December
7, 1999). In fact, by this order, detention was extended for a Serb
charged
with attempted murder of an Albanian who flew the Albanian flag on
top of a
building. The accused Serb made no attempt to kill anyone and the actual
building had no storeys. It only had a ground floor and no other leg
to
lean on, like the lame arguments advanced by the highest court. When
Goran
Kostic was suspected of causing flat tyres on four UNMIK vehicles in
Kosovska
Mitrovica, he was remanded on the ground that "causing flat tyres and
damage
to international presence vehicles has lately become an occurrence,
so that
the Court feared the suspect could repeat the offence" (Order of UNMIK's
District Court in Kosovska Mitrovica Kio. 14/2000 dated February 11,
2000).
This serious crime was dubbed by Kosovska Mitrovica Serbs as the "tyrecide".
Actually, evidence theory was formally introduced. A statement by an
Albanian, however doubtful, is given more credence than the statements
of
all non-Albanian eye-witnesses. One hundred and eighteen Vitina Serbs
signed
a statement claiming the innocence of Bozidar Stojanovic,14 on December
12,
1999. None of them were heard and Stojanovic was formally charged with
murder on February 28, 2000. The case judge refused to hear the Serb
witnesses escorted by KFOR to the hearing.15
A Serb, standing accused of physically blocking a public road and of
endangering the safety of five Albanians, says that at the time the
road
was blocked, he was at home, as can be confirmed by his lodgers, three
French
KFOR soldiers. The case judge refused to hear these soldiers. Meanwhile,
their tour of duty ended and they got back to France. An Albanian public
prosecutor mocked the statements made both by Serbs and by a Catholic
priest in the indictment brought in by him.16
Volumes may already be written about Albanian witness accounts. They
have
turned the courtrooms into kangaroo courts and pre-trial investigations
and
trials into cheap entertainment shows. A witness left his village with
the
other villagers but came back to take some things from his home and
stayed
the whole day in the village registering everything by hearing and
looking
through a hole in the fence; or another witness watched the Serbs by
a pair
of binoculars; or another one put on a wig and his mother's raincoat
and,
dressed as a woman, watched what was going on; a witness was hidden
at the
back of a petrol station listening, undisturbed, to and watching the
goings-on, although there were more than two hundred Serbs around the
petrol station; an indicted Serb was recognized in pitch darkness as
a headlight
revealed his knees; another witness allegedly heard and saw his/her
brother
open his shirt with both hands saying: "Now my hands are tied and you
can
do to me what you like"; a witness read in court the names of people
who had
killed his wife, he allegedly jotted down their names as the murder
was
taking place, because he was depressed and afraid that he might forget
their names; or another witness noticed four people but look at one
of them, he
could not take his eyes off him, the reason why was that now a year
later,
investigation has been started against that man (this witness must
be a
fortune teller); another witness came to the hearing saying he would
now
tell the truth and that he previously prevaricated, and when asked
what he
had said previously, he declared he did not know, etc. The worst and
the
most terrible thing is that Albanian judges and public prosecutors,
in
judging evidence, ignore common sense, trust such witnesses and base
their
investigation, indictments, and now even sentences on the statements
of
these witnesses.17
Serbs are denied the right to a defense. Sixty days had passed before
a
Serb
attorney was allowed to visit and talk to eleven Orahovac residents
detained
in the Prizren prison. Where there are no Serbs at all, and consequently
no
Serb lawyers, Serb detainees are appointed Albanian attorneys to defend
them. Defense counsels from other regions of Serbia were not able to
come
to Kosovo and Metohija for "a lack of security guarantees" to them.
They have
no access, to court files and they are not allowed to be present during
the
investigation, either. The International Covenant on Civil and Political
Rights - on the subject of which the "experts" hold seminars in Pristina
and make their dollar salaries-stipulates that "Everyone shall be entitled...
(b) to have adequate time and facilities for the preparation of his
defense
and to communicate with counsel of his own choosing" (Article 14, paragraph
3, subparagraph b).
Serbs are sometimes heard even if their appointed Albanian attorney
is not
present, despite the fact that defense is compulsory. The proceedings
are
conducted in Albanian, in an atmosphere of the accused being the only
Serb
present. The investigations take a long time, partly due to ignorance
and
negligence, pressures brought to bear on Serb detainees, and partly
due to
waiting for the so-called "KLA" to come up with new witnesses, and
in order
to intimidate Serbs still not arrested. There are Serbs who have been
detained for ten or eleven months already. No indictments have been
brought
in against them,18 even though the Law on Criminal Procedure provides
that
detention pending trial may not exceed six months; if an indictment
is not
filed within that period, the suspect shall be released. Bernard Kouchner
resolved this problem by his regulation 26/1999 ordering that
pre-arraignment detention may extend to one year. And even if indictment
is
brought in, hearings are not scheduled for more than eight months at
a
time.19 No one pays attention to the "experts" sacrosanct text of the
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, which requires
an
expeditious procedure in criminal matters in two places: "Everyone
shall be
entitled... (c) to be tried without undue delay (Article 14, paragraph
3,
subparagraph c), and "Anyone arrested or detained... and shall be entitled
to trial within a reasonable time or to release". (Article 9, paragraph
3,
first sentence in the paragraph).
The hunger strike staged by Serbs and Roma in Kosovska Mitrovica prison
has
revealed a fiasco. But it was in vain. UNMIK has not got its act together.
Understandably, getting one's act together requires change and something
which is unthinkable to UNMIK: de-instrumentalization of justice.
Therefore, it keeps on improvising. Trials are scheduled and rescheduled,
20 and in
vestigations are inconclusive. The judge in Kosovska Mitrovica is a
Swede, a
Dane in Gnjilane and a Polish woman in Pristina.21 These and a few
other
new justices should help to improve the situation. This is a mission
impossible.
Even if they wanted to, they cannot undo the reliance on which requests
for
investigation, proceedings and the shameful indictments rest: collaboration
of the so-called "KLA" with KFOR and UNMIK and an infinitely tolerant
attitude towards the bias of secessionists. It is not a legal but a
political matter
that cannot be resolved by a change in the structure of the Trials
Chamber.
UNMIK is not to be blamed for anything. It is discreet in charging
Albanians and less so in charging Kosovo Serbs. Protests in Kosovska
Mitrovica have
been used for a fresh lie: The trials of Serbs would have turned out
differently had there been Serbs as part of the judiciary. 22 Serbs,
who
were not needed as KFOR and UNMIK, in collusion with the "KLA", arrested
Serbs;
Serbs, who were not asked when investigations into genocide were opened
or
conducted; Serbs, whose letters of resignation addressed to the judiciary
of
Kosovska Mitrovica were not taken seriously, should now see reason,
become
"cooperative" and unconditionally take up judicial appointments. The
trap
has been very cleverly sprung. Given the current state of affairs,
Serb
participation in the Trials Chamber would amount to the legalization
of an
anti-Serb coalition in the judiciary. If a Serb majority in the Trials
Chamber (which is impossible even to imagine), in the present situation,
acquitted a Serb, there would be sermons about Serb uneven-handedness
and
apportionment of blame between Albanian secessionists and Serbs. Only
UNMIK
would turn out sinless.
The letter, written by Dragan Nikolic, a dentist in Vitina, on hearing
the
indictment against him on December 5, 1999, is a moral obituary to
UNMIK's
justice: "I had an Albanian defense counsel, Hiljmi Zitija from Pristina,
who told me one day during the investigation: "Dragan, if Father Pasko
Glasnovic says that you were in church that day, and Catholic priests
are
known for their honesty, you will immediately be released". Father
Pasko
came and gave a statement before the judge confirming my alibi. Sister
Dilda did the same. But, instead of being freed, I was indicted by
the District
Prosecutor in Pristina... Hiljmi Zitija resigned as my counsel, although
I
paid his fees on time. To add to this travesty of justice, an OSCE
monitor,
Michael Lackner, said my counsel applied for another witness hearing.
People from the OSCE even subjected me to a lie detector test and said:
"You have
nothing to do with this murder, but you know who shot Dzemalj Ademi
and you
don't want to identify the shooter", which is not true. I was interrogated
by UNMIK police and by the OSCE, and yet there is no justice for me.
Everybody says I am innocent and still I am in custody. With my trust
in
God, I believe that justice will be served, maybe late but ineluctably.
I
am a humanist intent on living in my home in Kosovo, because this my
homeland
and I have no other. I was born here in Kosovo and I will remain here".
II. SO-CALLED JUDICIAL REGULATIONS OF UNMIK AD HOC COURT OF FINAL APPEAL
-
AN ACT OF JUDICIAL SECESSION
Ad Hoc District Courts have met the requirements of UNMIK until the
passage
of time made it necessary to establish a court to extend detention
terms
and decide on complaints against decisions of District Courts. Therefore,
UNMIK's first regulation entirely dealing with the judiciary, so-called
regulation 5/1999 of September 4, 1999, established the Ad Hoc Court
of
Final Appeal and an Ad Hoc Office of the Public Prosecutor.
The Court of Final Appeal has "the powers of the Supreme Court which
exercised jurisdiction in Kosovo, as regards appeals against decisions
of
District Courts in the sphere of criminal law and also as regards detention
terms", thus bringing to an end the jurisdiction of the Supreme Court
of
Serbia. Secondly, the Court of Final Appeal and the Office of the Public
Prosecutor will exist until "the Supreme Court of Kosovo is
re-established",which is not without prejudice to the final organization
of the justice
system. Judges and prosecutors are appointed and removed from office
by the
Special Representative and their term of office will end with the
re-establishment of the Supreme Court of Kosovo. They are eligible
only if
they are suitable, if they have not "participated in discriminatory
measures or applied any repressive law or implemented any dictatorial
policies".
They need not be Yugoslav citizens.
This is an act of judicial secession. Although the federal Constitution
does not directly regular the judiciary in its constituent Republics,
it owes
its existence to the federal Constitution. The justice system of Yugoslavia
is
the synthesis of the federal judiciary and that of Serbia and Montenegro.
Or, in other words, who negates the justice system of the constituent
Republic negates, at the same time, the justice system of the federal
State.
Security Council resolution 1244 (1999) guarantees the sovereignty
of the
federal State over Kosovo and Metohija, including judicial authority.
The
Yugoslav system of justice is such that the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia
may exercise its judicial authority in Kosovo and Metohija only through
the
Supreme Court of Serbia. For this reason, to negate the Supreme Court
of
Serbia is to negate the federal State and its judicial sovereignty.
The
expression "democratic self-government", as contained in resolution
1244
(1999), may be construed in many ways but never as Kosovo and Metohija
being entitled to a Supreme Court, excluding the Supreme Court of Serbia
and,
consequently, destroying the constitutional system of Yugoslavia.
As a matter of fact, there were no Serbs either in the Court of Final
Appeal or in the Office of the Public Prosecutor. That was not the
case either,
when the Ad Hoc Court of Final Appeal retroactively became the Supreme
Court of Kosovo and the Ad Hoc Office of the Public Prosecutor the
Office of the
Public Prosecutor of Kosovo.
NEW CONFUSION
On appointment and removal from office of judges and prosecutors is
the
title of the so-called regulation 7/1999 of September 7, 1999. It set
forth
conditions for the appointment and removal from office of judges, public
prosecutors and magistrates. The only unclear point in the regulation
was
where and to which offices they have all been appointed.
A quick reminder would be in order. On the date on which the so-called
regulation 7/1999 was issued, UNMIK had Ad Hoc District Courts and
the
Ad Hoc Court of Final Appeal
(waiting to become the Supreme Court of Kosovo). Which municipal courts,
which municipal public prosecutors' offices and which minor offenses
bodies
were in existence? From the point of view of UNMIK regulations, only
one
answer is possible: In Kosovo and Metohija
existed all municipal courts, all minor offenses bodies and all municipal
public prosecutors' offices established on the basis of Serbian legislation
(argument from section 3 of regulation 1/1999),23 except for the Supreme
Court of Serbia and the Office of the Republican Public Prosecutor
(which
were derogated by the so-called regulation 5/1999). If so, why is it
then
to be indirectly inferred - through the work experience required for
appointments - that UNMIK is planning the establishment of Municipal
and
District Courts and the Offices of the Municipal and District Public
Prosecutor, Commercial Courts and Minor Offenses Courts? Probably because
silent confusion was the best way not to mention the name of Serbia
so as
not to upset the secessionists, but also to hide from view the question
of
the legal status of judges and prosecutors of Serbia. UNMIK did not
remove
them from office by any explicit decision. Had the authors of the so-called
regulation 7/1999 mentioned courts, that would have brought to mind
the
faces of Serbia's judges. Not making references to court but only to
"new"
judges, they have skipped Serbia, even at the expense of creating confusion
and of no one being sure about the courts existing in Kosovo and Metohija.
Judges, magistrates and public prosecutors are appointed and removed
from
office by the Special Representative taking into account recommendations
of
the Advisory Judicial Commission whose members, in turn, are be selected
and appointed by the Special Representative after "appropriate consultations"
(it is unclear with whom). Yugoslav citizenship is not a condition
for
appointments. Thus, the basic public law relationship between the
individual and the State existing everywhere in the world as a condition
for holding a
public office, has been denied. Once again, this meant that Kosovo
and
Metohija had been separated from Serbia and Yugoslavia in terms of
normative practice. Those eligible for appointment are only those who
have not
"participated in discriminatory measures or applied any repressive
law or
implemented dictatorial policies". This merits no further comment.
The so-called regulation 7/1999 made no mention of the duration of the
term
of office of judges, public prosecutors or magistrates. There is no
mention,
either, of the text of the oath of office taken by judges and public
prosecutors nor any indication as to whether they enjoy material legal
immunity (immunity in respect of the opinion expressed in making a
decision). It was two and a half months later that the public found
out
that judges and public prosecutors were appointed for a term of one
year that
may be renewed. That was the same day the text of the oath of judges
and public
prosecutors was publicized. No new, so-called regulation was adopted.
Bernard Kouchner made his ordinances public in a text entitled Information
on the appointment of judges and public prosecutors of December 29,
1999.
This information, too, became a source of law. To add insult to injury,
the
"Information", besides the term of judges and public prosecutors and
a
144-word oath24, enlarged the grounds for removal from office. Apart
from
the reasons set forth in the so-called regulation 7/1999, another reason
for removal is an indictment by the Hague Tribunal or a similar court.
"NOTICE" AND THE VACUUM
Aspiring to make permanent the selection of the "multi-ethnic" judiciary
based on the willingness of candidates, the Advisory Judicial Commission
announced a notice for the appointment of judges and public prosecutors
on
November 9, 1999. The notice has gone against all the proclamations
made
about a "nondiscriminatory" and "multi-ethnic" judiciary and revealed
UNMIK's lack of expertise.
Formally, the notice was not in order because the Advisory Judicial
Commission did not exist on November 9, 1999, and a non-existent body
cannot announce a notice. Furthermore, the notice was not a public
notice,
therefore, could not be qualified as such. There was no equality of
opportunity for Serb and Albanian applicants. Serbs who had fled the
terrorization by secessionists in Kosovo and Metohija were completely
unaware of either the notice or of its content. Even if they did find
out
about it, how were they supposed to reach the courts in Dakovica, Prizren,
Urosevac or Istok safe and sound, or how would they enter and exit
the
courthouse unnoticed? Those Serbs who are still living in Kosovo and
Metohija, who learned about the notice, were in doubt about the position
they should apply for, not being able to consult any document specifically
regulating the composition of courts, their competence, seat, jurisdiction,
etc. Oddly enough, all these details were known to Albanians.
Ad hoc judges and prosecutors were appointed for a period of three months.
The so-called regulation 7/1999 provided that the term of office of
"ad
hoc" judges and public prosecutors would not expire before the end
of the period
they had been selected for (section 10, paragraph 2). Actually, their
term
expired on September 30, 1999 in Pristina; on October 18, 1999 in Prizren;
on November 31, 1999 in Kosovska Mitrovica; and on December 7, 1999
in Pec.
The new judges, who were appointed under the so-called regulation 7/1999,
were sworn-in on January 24, 2000 in Pristina; on January 19, 2000
in
Prizren; on January 20, 2000 in Pec; and on February 29, 2000 in Kosovska
Mitrovica. Although UNMIK was vague about when these appointments would
be
taken up, it is common practice that the taking of oath of office precedes
the assumption of duties. Having in mind that UNMIK has not adopted
a piece
of legislation to extend the term of ad hoc judges and public prosecutors
until new judges and prosecutors have taken up their duties, a question
arises as to the status of acts of courts and prosecutors adopted in
the
period between the expiry of the "ad hoc" term of office and the assumption
of duties by the new judges. Such acts are legally non-existent, even
from
the point of view of UNMIK's regulations (unless they have been covalidated
by some letters, notifications, etc. unavailable to us).
BACK TO THE YEAR 1989
UNMIK's judiciary is fraught with false dilemmas as to which laws apply
in
Kosovo and Metohija. Albanians apply some invented laws of Kosovo.
Their
practices were inconsistent even with the flagrantly illegal Kouchner's
so-called regulation 1/1999. Until they were forced to resign, the
few
Serbs had applied the laws of Serbia and Yugoslavia.
On December 13, 1999, Bernard Kouchner said that the UNMIK judiciary
was
inefficient, among other things, due to the fact that forty-eight Albanian
judges and public prosecutors refused to apply Serbian laws. He declared
that the problem was resolved by the adoption of the so-called regulation
24/1999, which restored the situation existing in the judiciary of
Kosovo
and Metohija on March 22, 1989. Bernard Kouchner authorized courts,
if they
found that the case could not be settled by Kosovo laws or by his so-called
regulations or on the basis of international instruments, to apply
the laws
applicable after March 22, 1989. Which are these laws? There are many
laws
that ceased to be in force after March 22, 1989. It is logical that
only
laws which were in force at least on March 24, 1999 should apply. But
the
authors of the so-called regulation obviously loathed putting this
in
writing. They were obsessed by the more remote past.
The so-called regulation 24/1999 represents not only a vandalism usurping
the powers of the UN Security Council but also an irrational act exhuming
an anachronous legal system and fanning sickly imagination. The explanation
to
the effect that legislation as at March 22, 1989 is restored to make
the
judiciary more efficient would be infantile if it were not insolent.
As a
citizen, Bernard Kouchner knows full well that judges and public
prosecutors are relieved of their posts if they refuse to apply laws.
As a medical
doctor he knows all too well that self-appointed Napoleons are not
conferred with a sceptre and a crown but are sent to hospital. As a
politician he is
fully aware that, by this new violation of UN se resolution 1244 he
committed a serious act of discrimination against the Serbs, and made
the
UNMIK's judiciary serve Albanian secessionism and fascism.
The so-called regulation 24/1999 was issued on December 12, 1999, but
has a
retroactive effect and is considered to have entered into force as
of June
10, 1999 (section 3). This means that the highest court became the
Supreme
Court of Kosovo on June 10, 1999, i.e. before it was established. Municipal
Courts in Srbica, Podujevo, Kacanik, Glogovac and Zubin Potok and the
Commercial Court in Dakovica have quietly sprung up overnight. The
names of
courts are now mentioned in UNMIK's documents. There are the same courts
and prosecution offices that existed in 1989, while the judges and
public
prosecutors are those appointed to these positions in the year 2000.
Again,
Bernard Kouchner has attempted to conceal what happened between 1989
and
2000 and to replace over time the judges and prosecutors appointed
by
Serbia. Law is continuity and Kouchner's intent is unfeasible. Judgely
duties cannot cease because of limitation, the same as no one can become
a
judge merely by sustainment.
III. DE PROFUNDIS
UNMIK's justice system was created by an overemphasis on the myths of
"non-discrimination", "multi-ethnicity" and the "rule of law". A sickly
bias and a barbaric disrespect for the norms of civilized behavior,
for laws and
international conventions have soon revealed it for what it is. It
is a
pseudo-legal eye sore intended for the purposes of engineering the
spectacular genocide of Albanians by the Serbs and of institutionalizing
gross historical untruths. It is a grave to justice, where the old
Hague
games of deception and hallucinations of discrimination and genocide
are
being played. It is a playground for NATO aspirations to gain a higher
moral ground for its aggression by blaming the Serbs for an alleged
genocide; for
Albanian secessionists to re-deem themselves for their wrongdoings;
for KFOR
and UNMIK to legalize an unhindered biological and cultural genocide
of
Serbs perpetrated in their presence; and for Bernard Kouchner - after
Serbs
have been proclaimed, at all costs, guilty of all misdeeds - to violate
as
brutally as possible UN Security Council resolution 1244 (1999) in
the name
of ostensible Albanian innocence and an ostensible Serbian guilt.
All judicial institutions have been subordinated to one aim and one
frenzy.
The meaning of the law has been twisted around. Everything has been
reduced
to the instrumentality of savage violence and of proving the non-existent
historical guilt and justifying one's own misdeeds. Justice is plunging
into the madness of carving out an ethnically pure State. KFOR and
UNMIK have
created and upheld the justice system in which the ethnic has obliterated
the ethical. Another door has been open wide for Albanian fascism.
_______________________________________
1 Faradin Imeri, judge of UNMIK's District Court in Gnjilane, known
for
unfair treatment in the Momcilovic case in March 2000, applied for
the job
and was selected judge of the District Court in Gnjilane in 1992. The
night
before he was to take oath of office, on September 18, 1992, Imeri
changed
his mind. Etem Rogova, a tarnished star of UNMIK's judiciary and President
of the UNMIK District Court in Prizren, sat as a judge of Serbia until
1991, when he was removed from office because of an extremely bad record
of
performance and sloppiness on the job.
2 Sadik Topali, judge of the District Court in Pristina, was killed inPristina on December 15, 1999. Prior to his murder, he had not left his flat for months.
3 Dusko Karanovic, judge of the Municipal Court in Suva Reka, was taken
away from his flat in that small town, between June 13 and 14, 1999.
4 The courthouses in Vucitrn and Urosevac were seized by terrorists
who
drove out with the force of arms all Serbs working there.
5 The vandalism displayed by Americans in Gnjilane, Kosovska Kamenica
and
Vitina had no grounding even in UNMIK's legislation. The so-called
regulation 1/1999 issued by Bernard Kouchner, dispossessing Serbia
and
Yugoslavia of their property in favor of UNMIK in its section 6, was
adopted on
July 25, 1999.
6 Excluding Kosovska Mitrovica and Leposavic, four judges now live in
the
Serbian enclaves in Kosovo and Metohija; they all got back after several
months of exile.
7 For obvious reasons, the names of arrested Serbs (marked X and Y)
and
UNMIK police officers were left out.
8 Both Serbs and Albanians have been detained in the same prisons. It
happens that the families visiting Albanian detainees take down the
names
and surnames and addresses of detained Serbs, promising the cropping
up of
new crimes and the tracing of new witnesses.
9 If the date on which judges have taken oath of office is taken as
the
date
of establishment of an "ad hoc" court, then UNMIK's District Court
in
Pristina was set up on June 30, 1999; UNMIK's District Court in Prizren
on
July 18, 1999; UNMIK's District Court in Kosovska Mitrovica on August
31,
1999; UNMIK's District Court in Pec on September 7, 1999. The District
Court
in Gnjilane was not set up before January 18, 2000. The same is true
of
UNMIK's offices of public prosecutors.
10 Order of the Supreme Court of Serbia II Su. 264/91 of December 30, 1991.
14 "We, the undersigned, claim that the blacksmith Bozidar (father's
name
Dragan) Stojanovic, born February 2, 1962, is a peaceful, loyal and
above
all honest citizen; that he had no prior criminal or police record
and that
he did no harm to anyone. This young man, father of three children,
has a
clear conscience, was wrongly accused and without any proven guilt
left to
suffer along with his destitute family. In the name of justice and
compassion for this suffering man we demand that he be released from
custody
and that all false charges be dropped against him".
15 The accused Serb informed his defence counsel of this as follows:
"On
January 13, 2000, the examining judge did not want to hear the witness
Nikola Dajic, who came together with Milunka Stojanovic, to give their
statements in the investigating stage of the trial at camp Bondstill.
The
witnesses were brought by KFOR escorts. I am asking my attorney to
request
that these witnesses be heard by the competent court".
16 "A Roman Catholic priest in Letnica, Pasko Glasnovic, and eye-witnesses
Aca Jeremic, Stanoje Boskic and Radoje Kojic have almost identically
(emphasis added by the author) confirmed the defenses of the accused
that
on
April 5, 1999, he attended an arranged lunch at the Catholic church
in the
village of Letnica..." (Indictment filed by UNMIK's Office of the District
Public Prosecutor in Pristina Kt. 69/99-1 of November 5, 1999).
17 UNMIK's Municipal Court in Kosovska Mitrovica passed its sentences
on
Nebojsa Mutavdzic on May 25, 2000, and on Milan Dimic on May 26, 2000,
respectively. Both men were sentenced to ten months in prison, the
former
for the criminal offense of causing general threat (which was not proven)
and the latter for coercion. Dimic's accomplice, Slavko Savic, was
sentenced
in absentia to six months' imprisonment. The UNMIK District Court in
Gnjilane sentenced, on May 24, 2000, Sasa Maksimovic to thirteen and
a half
years in prison for the murder with base motives. (Maksimovic confessed
to
the murder but not that he murdered his victim simply because he was
Albanian.) The same Court sentences Blagoje Petkovic to thirteen years
and
nine months in prison for the murder of a Serb and an attempted murder
of
aAlbanian, on May 29, 2000.
18 Dragan Jovanovic was arrested on July 2, 1999, Igor Simic on August
8,
1999, Vlastimir and Srdan Aleksic on August 14, 1999, and Branimir
Popovic
on August 26, 1999. The UNMIK Court for the District of Kosovska Mitrovica
has been investigating them on genocide charges for more than ten months
now. Andelko Kolasinac, Vekoslav Simic and Stanislav Levic were apprehended
on August 20, 1999 and the illustrious and hard-working President of
UNMIK's
District Court in Prizren, Etem Rogova, has not yet concluded his
investigation.
19 Nenad Radulovic from Pristina was arrested on July 24, 1999 and indicted
for an attempted murder on September 15, 1999. Lazar Gligorovski was
arrested on July 7, 1999 and charged with alleged three counts of murder
on
January 3, 2000. Zvezdan Simic from the village of Svinjare near Kosovska
Mitrovica was arrested on July 29, 1999 and charged ostensibly on two
counts
of murder, on January 27, 2000. Miroslav Vuckovic was arrested on August
28,
1999 and indicted for an alleged crime of genocide on December 1, 1999.
Slobodan Joksimovic from the village of Radevo near Lipljan was arrested
on
July 9, 1999 and charged with an ostensible murder attempt on September
29,
1999. Ljubomir Stolic was arrested on July 10, 1999 and an indictment
for
nothing less than a war crime against the civilian population was brought
in against him on November 19, 1999, etc. None of these individuals
have stood
trial as at June 25, 2000.
20 US General William Nash, UNMIK Administrator for the District of
Kosovska Mitrovica, arrogated to himself the right to postpone the
trial of Miroslav
Vuckovic, Vladan Vucetic and Lazar Gligorovski, on June 13, 2000.
21 The trial of Slobodan Joksimovic, scheduled to open on July 1, 2000
in
Pristina, was postponed since an "expert" sent a letter in which it
was
unclear who should preside over the Trials Chamber: Haki Lecaj or a
Polish
Lady Justice.
22 The same US General Nash used a commanding tone in pondering the
judiciary on June 14, 2000: "It is imperative that the judiciary should
have
its own resources accessible in a way permitting everyone to have a
free
and
fair trial. For that to happen, it is necessary to include all qualified
citizens belonging to all communities... With Serb participation we
may
soon
start... trials".
23 The beginning of section 3 of the so-called regulation 1/1999 reads:
"The
laws applicable in the territory of Kosovo prior to March 24, 1999
shall
continue to apply in Kosovo..." A well-meaning drafter would have used
a
different language to begin this section. For instance, The laws applicable
in the territory of Kosovo on March 24, 1999.
24 In France, country B. Kouchner comes from, the oath of office of
judges
and public prosecutors is pathetic but much shorter: "I swear that
I shall
discharge my responsibilities faithfully and conscientiously, that
I shall
keep as sacrosanct the secrets of the court, that my conduct as a
magistrate
will be dignified and impartial" (Article 6, paragraph 1, Basic Law
on the
Status of a Magistrate).
Translated by Gordana Simovic
http://www.centraleurope.com/yugoslaviatoday/news.php3?id=182518§ion=kosovo
PRISTINA, Jul 26, 2000 -- (Agence France Presse) An
ethnic Albanian accused of carrying out one of
Kosovo's bloodiest post-war attacks on Serbian
civilians has been released without charge, a senior
UN policeman told AFP Tuesday.
Afrim Zeqiri was arrested after three Serbs, including
a four-year-old child, were shot dead in Cernica,
southeast Kosovo, on May 28 by a single gunman armed
with an assault rifle.
Serbian witnesses claimed Zeqiri, who they knew by
sight, was the killer and he has been detained at the
US military base in Kosovo, Camp Bondsteel, since May
29, when he handed himself in to UN police.
An international judge appointed by Kosovo's UN
administration decided to free Zeqiri after an ethnic
Albanian prosecutor declined to pursue the case
against him, Gary Carrell, the regional commander of
the UN police in southeast Kosovo, told AFP.
Zeqiri's car, identified by its number plate, was seen
leaving the scene of the crime, investigators said in
May. On June 22 the international judge in charge of
the investigation heard evidence from seven Albanians
that Zeqiri was not at the scene.
The Cernica attack was only the latest in a series of
attacks on Serbian civilians which have taken place in
Kosovo since the arrival in the province of the KFOR
peacekeeping force last June.
The four year old, his uncle and a 60-year-old man
joined the list of more than 500 people murdered in
the province since the end of its 1998-1999 civil war.
Only a tiny fraction of the murders have led to a
conviction.
Carrell said the hatred between Serbs and Albanians
made it difficult to investigate serious crimes.
"On the rare occasions that we find Albanians willing
to testify against Albanians and Serbs willing to
testify against Serbs they come under great pressure
from their communities," he said. ((c) 2000 Agence
France Presse)
www.serbia-info.com/news
August 03, 2000
Ethnic Albanians saw through the intentions as well
Pristina, August 3 - Leader of the Democratic Reform Party of ethnic
Albanians in Kosovo and Metohija, Sokolj Cuse, assessed that numerous
ethnic Albanians would boycott illegal elections prepared by U.N.
mission chief Bernard Kouchner.
"KFOR and UNMIK keep on exerting unprincipled pressures with threats
and
blackmails, not only on unlike-minded ethnic Albanians who do not agree
with extremists and separatists, but also on the representatives of
other national communities - Serbs, Turks, Romanies, Goranies and other,
forcing them to register to vote and go to the polls. That is not only
a
non-democratic act, but is also direct violation of the U.N. Security
Council Resolution 1244, Cuse said.
Leader of the Democratic Reform Party of ethnic Albanians, which has
been fighting for multiethnic Kosovo and Metohija within Serbia and
Yugoslavia for years, thinks that there will be no democratic elections
in Kosovo and Metohija "because Kouchner has registered some 250,000
Albanians from Albania and Macedonia".
According to Cuse, they have entered Kosovo and Metohija through a
non-secured border crossing, forcefully moved in the houses of expelled
non-Albanian population, committed numerous robberies, murders and
other
crime.
"Unfortunately, not only Kouchner, but also terrorist Hashim Thaqui
relies on them. In return, they have received "recognition" of being
Kosovo and Metohija residents on the basis of false, or even none ID-s,
despite the fact that authorized bodies in Serbia have computer records
on each Kosovo and Metohija resident, Cuse said.
[Ah, it's a hard life for these neo-colonialists
without borders, having to put up with the atavistic
habits of the primitive natives. And then, you have to
pretend to consider them human when the cameras are on
you! Time to head back to Nordic civilization, eh
Bernie?
Btw it must be too hard to smile when you see Kouchner to play the
emperor on your land...]
PARIS, Aug 4 (Reuters) - Bernard Kouchner admitted on
Friday that he often got fed up working in Kosovo, but
said speculation he was about to step down as head of
the province"s U.N.-led administration was premature.
"I"m not going to spend all my life in Kosovo. One day
I"m going to leave, but certainly not before the end
of the year," he said in an interview with France
Inter radio. Asked if he had ever regretted the
decision to come to Kosovo, he laughingly replied:
"Oh, I"ve regretted it on many more than one occasion.
From time to time you get fed up, completely fed up.
You get exhausted," he said. Kouchner, a former French
health minister, became Kosovo"s de facto governor in
July 1999, the month after NATO-led forces had taken
over control of the Serb province. After more than a
year at the helm, he said he was still struggling to
win over Kosovo"s ethnic Albanian majority. "It is
tough because we are dealing with a very hard people,"
he said. "Nothing more resembles a Serb than an
Albanian. I promise you. The sooner they realise this
the better it might be. "They are a very introverted
people, turned in on themselves. Hard, hard willed,
hard in the face of adversity, hard in the face of the
future, they don"t smile easily," he added.
[Again, the (in-)famous statement of the Canadian KFOR spokesman last year comes to mind: "If the Serbs did it, we say the Serbs did it; if we don't know who did it, we say the Serbs did it; if we know the Serbs didn't do it, we say we don't know who did it." But this tried-and-true NATO/KFOR policy has been improved upon in the case described below, where *we* did it but three Serbs still took the rap, and have been imprisoned for over a year....Incidentally, notice how the criminally inciteful and lunatic hyperbolical statements of last year - hideous racial genocide (Tony Blair), worst genocide since Hitler, etc. - have now given way to substantially milder terms like 'crackdown' and, just the other day, 'maltreatment.' Alleged maltreatment is now enshrined in the so-called Blair and Clinton Doctrines as a casus belli, a reason to kill thousands of civilians, destroy entire societies, nations, peoples. Except in New York City, Philadelphia and so forth, where the rules don't apply.]
NJILANE, Yugoslavia - A US Army sergeant testified
yesterday that he shot at an ethnic Albanian last year
in Kosovo, according to those who heard his testimony.
That evidence could clear a Serb family accused in the
death.
Testimony in the trial of the father and his two sons
ended with Sergeant Robert Black's describing the July
1999 gunbattle. At the request of French judge Patrice
de Charette, the court traveled to this southeastern
town to show where he and other American snipers were
deployed.
Reporters were not allowed inside the heavily guarded
building, but several people who were present said the
soldier repeated statements he gave Army investigators
detailing how he fired at an ethnic Albanian who had
been shooting at US troops.
''I noticed a man in the shed firing at the tower. I
fired with my M203, 40mm high-explosive rounds,'' said
the written statement by Black that was read before
the United Nations court last month. ''The second
round exploded inside the shed and I kept up small,
suppressive fire.''
UN officials say Afrim Gagica was in the shed when he
was killed.
Black is not expected to face charges because the
rules of engagement at the time allowed peacekeepers
to fire in self-defense.
The case against Mirolub ''Mirko'' Momcilovic, 60, and
his sons Jugoslav, 32, and Boban, 25, has dragged on
for more than a year, and is considered a test of
whether Kosovo's embryonic, internationally monitored
justice system can work.
Although Black's statement provides evidence that
could clear the Serbs, in Kosovo's ethnically charged
climate international officials close to the case have
warned that it would be difficult for the ethnic
Albanian judges to arrive at an impartial verdict
because they have to go back and face their own
communities.
The five-judge panel is expected to announce a verdict
today.
In the year since NATO troops entered the province,
Kosovo's Serbs have come under reprisal attacks by the
province's ethnic Albanians, who suffered a crackdown
by the forces of President Slobodan Milosevic of
Yugoslavia.
Deep hatred remains between them.
Still
under constuction by KFORmyass.com
e-mail:
[email protected]