(Cat Stevens)

They say, "youth is wasted on the young." I, myself have scowled at young people on the subway, dungarees hanging way below their hips; hair died multi-colors, most of which can not be found in nature; and music beaming from their headsets with such volume that I can clearly make out each and every lyric that The Beastie Boys, Marilyn Manson or Sugar Ray belts. I wasn’t like that when I was their age, I think to myself. But I am deluding myself. I, like the kids on the subway, wore funky clothing (my father even suggested my shoes were so ugly that they served as birth control), sported hairdos which make me cringe when I flip through my old yearbooks, and yes, even listened to music not sanctioned by my elders as "worthwhile". So how is it that I can I look at these kids and with what sounds like such hypocrisy claim them abnormal? It seems that somewhere between adolescence and adulthood we "grownups" forget what it’s like to be part of the sub-culture of "youth" and look at those engaged in growing up and attempting to understand the world within and beyond their experience with a sense of disdain. Their clothing become "kooky"; their music becomes "stupid," "obnoxious" and most of all, way too loud (as if Stairway to Heaven was not played at the highest decibel possible by 95% of the adults that can be found on that very subway between eight and nine in the morning and five and six in the evening). They just seem somehow different than us. But herein lies the similarity between the culture of "adulthood" and that of the "young." We both look at each other as the outsider and wonder why they "just don’t understand?" But as adults we feel that we are justified in our disdain for youth culture and often look to their media as proof. Let’s, for a moment, look from the youth culture’s vantagepoint. We know how "they," young people, are different (at least we think we do).But how and why are "we" different in their eyes? Does their interaction with media symbolize this perceived difference?

David Buckingham, in his essay "Hardcore Rappin’: Popular Music, Identity and Critical Discourse" notes that "much of the pleasure of popular music for young people lies in the sense they it ‘belongs’ to its listeners, that it is precisely ‘theirs’ and not ‘ours’"(62). For my inquiry, I will look at how music plays a part in young peoples’ construction of their own identity and classifying adults as "other."

(Chuck Berry)

My decision to explore music for this inquiry stems from several factors. I have often wondered why, of all the media there are, and have been throughout my lifetime, young people have always seem to have had a kinship with music such that is not found in their affiliation with any other media. When the walkman came out in the early 1980’s I was in elementary school and walkmen were strictly forbidden on school grounds. Once safely on the school bus though, on came the headsets and transported each listener into their own little world, far from the gloom of the noisy school bus. I found that as a teenager my friends and I based our camaraderie on preferences of musical genre, often not accepting those kids who did not share our love for our favorite bands. I often made, and still find myself doing so as an adult, compilation tapes that creatively amassed all my favorite tunes, and listened to them until the tape inside the cassette dwindled to a mere thread. My style of dress was directly related to the musicians that I favored, such as the eight months in eleventh grade when I choose to express my love for Joey Ramone (lead singer and cutest brother of the Ramones) by refused to put any garment on my body that was not either black or gray of such a dark hue that it was undistinguishable from black. When looking at young people today I often wonder how I would fair if I were fifteen years younger. I don’t know what their music is about, I just know that it is not for me. Because of these reasons I felt the need to understand where I was and how I appropriated the soundtrack to my youth and correlate it to the youth culture.

(Sonny and Cher)

It is important to mention that throughout this paper I refer several times to "youth" and "young people" as the demographic of which I inquire. Although I will be drawing from literature that deals with "young people" of all ages, including children of five and six years old, the main demographic which I refer to in my inquiry is adolescents, teenagers, and in some cases early "twenty-somethings." My main interest in inquiring about this age group is expressed by Lisa Lewis who points out that, "in adolescence, when involvement with fandom is common, conflicts over identity is acute. (while) adolescence is ideologically defined as a time of making choices about ones future identity - what kind of job to do, what kind of relationship to become involved in, what kind of lifestyle to lead…"(151)

It is also important to note at this point in my inquiry, that "youth" as a subculture, is socially constructed phenomenon. Neil Postman points out this fact and notes that literacy and the adoption of reading and writing as a system of education created the separation between "adult" and "not adult". Postman notes "the printing press created a new definition of adulthood based on reading competence, and, correspondingly, a new conception of childhood based on reading incompetence" (18). Throughout this paper I draw on discourse that emphasizes this separation between "adult" and "youth".

(Tesla)

Because, in this inquiry, I equate youth culture with the use of media: music in its many forms, I feel it important on the outset to mention the idea of media as signifiers of culture. John Tomlinson has linked these concepts together in his discussion of "media imperialism," in which he relates the discourse surrounding the theory of one culture (namely American) dominating another by means of media production and consumption by anther culture. For our purposes though, the theories of media imperialism relate in that they suggest that looking to a culture’s media and engagement with it is quite telling about the culture itself. Furthermore, Tomlinson notes, "…though the media may be analytically separable from other aspects of culture, it is clear that they are intimately connected with these other aspects of culture in terms of peoples ‘lived experiences" (21). Ian Ang has added to this discourse on media and culture through her study of audience engagement with the 1970s-1980s melodrama, Dallas. Ang’s study, in which readers of a Dutch magazine responded to an ad requesting opinions of the television program, shows that viewers actively engaged in making meaning out of media in relation to their own existence and environment. Thus, according to Ang and Tomlinson, as well as my thesis for this inquiry, young people’s engagement in music as a medium is an attempt to express their sub-culture of "youth," as differentiated from "adult" culture, find their sub-culture’s place within the larger society, as well as an attempt to understand this place they hold.

(The Beastie Boys)

To begin this inquiry I think it is essential to point out the fact that from young people’s points-of-view, there is a definite separation between adult media and their media. In Going Bonkers": Children Play and Pee-wee, Henry Jenkins III discusses the phenomenon of Pee-wee’s Playhouse, a children’s program which featured, among other elements, personified furniture and multicolored food, which is, as a form, undesirable, even visually uncomfortable, to adult viewers (177).

This separation between our media and their media, regardless of whether one considers themselves part of the youth or the adult culture, is quite apparent from a young age. I can recall very clearly being young and knowing that, for example, Knots Landing was and television show for "grownups" and cartoons for people like me (or small people as my mother termed us). For young people, to except texts as their media it must be produced, or seem to be produced, with the intention of being consumed by them, as opposed to adult media, which they feel is not produced for them. In many cases this makes adult media somewhat taboo in a good way. In her study of adolescent girls and their reading habits, Gemma Moss paints an interesting picture of a scene witnessed by one of the young girls in her study. Several children surrounded one child who possessed literature of what the children considered an "adult" nature; "a massive circle…she was reading them out all the dirty bits"(128). Moss goes on to comment that "making ‘dirty bits’ public in this way obviously involves breaking adult rules about who should know what"(128). This implies that children are aware that there is a real difference in the actual text intended for them in contrast with the text intended for "adults" in terms of the actual information included in the text. This resonates what Neil Postman has theorized regarding the "knowledge monopoly" that adults at one point held (76). Postman contends that in times when the written word was the dominate form that information took, to gain the knowledge held in books a prescribed number of years worth of sequential education had to endure (76). The adults held the monopoly on information because they could read whatever information they choose, yet children were dependant on what adults deemed appropriate in nature for them and hence written at their level. And in such a case as described above in Moss’s study, media becomes desirable specifically for its "adult" status.

Yet, in contrast, much of adult media, while young people realize it is not for them is seen as antagonistic to the culture of youth, creating the opposite effect in young people. The title alone, The Media’s War on Kids, an article by Jonathan Katz published in Rolling Stone magazine, suggests this trend. Katz’ emphasis is on television news. "It’s hard to think anything the industry could have done," writes Katz, "to ignore or alienate younger consumers that it didn’t do- or isn’t doing still. It has resisted innovative design, clung to its deadly monolithic voice, refused to broaden or alter its definitions of news and - most importantly - trashed the culture of the young at every opportunity." This might equate to why there has been a steady decline throughout this century in the engagement of young people in news media (Buckingham 344). Young people have perpetually begun to realize that "adult" media makes no illusions to attempt to address their culture in any way but as derogatory. Katz goes on to comment that this phenomenon is not a new one. He notes that in the early days of rock and roll, journalists connected the increases in violence with the listening of the "savage beat" of the new music (49). We can look to recent reviews of such musicians as Marilyn Manson to see this sentiment manifested in our times.

(The Beatles)

It is apparent that the function of music within youth culture runs deeper than serving as merely trivial background noises to the trials and tribulations of young life. In this section I will attempt to unearth the many layers of the attachment of youth to their music.

(Backstreet Boys)

On a purely physical level, music, and sound in general, has an interiorizing effect on the listener. When listening to music we don’t feel the separation that is present when engaging in other types of media consumption such as watching television or reading a book. Walter Ong has pointed out the isolating effect of literacy (both the act of reading and of writing) noting that the sense utilized for literacy is sight which isolates the reader and/or writer by turning a word into a spatial object and placing it outside the reader and/or writer, as contrasted by sound which surrounds the speaker and listener, interiorizing the exchange (72). When we listen to music we become the center of the experience, submerged in sound, part of the music. What is more, the invention of the personal walkman, so popular with my bus-riding companions, not only allowed music to become portable (most weigh less than a pound) but permitted listeners to slip on headphones and "erase" their surroundings; they could not hear their surroundings and those who surrounded them could not hear their music (Willis 64).

This interiorizing effect of music creates a media environment that young people feel a very physical connection to. Few of us can admit that when our favorite song comes within earshot we are able to ignore it. For example, when I hear the Rolling Stones’ Satisfaction on the radio, regardless of where I am, be it driving, shopping or cleaning the bathroom floor, I can not help but dance. Jerry Brainum has written in an article for Joe Weider’s Muscle & Fitness, a popular magazine that caters to the exercise enthusiast; "every organ in the body responds to music. It affects metabolism, blood volume, pulse, blood pressure, hormonal flow and moods."(83) Furthermore, Brainum goes on to explain that "music affects the autonomic nervous system, a subdivision of the nervous system that controls such involuntary functions as blood flow, heartbeat and hormonal secretion. This, in turn, is linked to the brain’s limbic system, the seat of emotions." Apparently we, as human beings, can not help but have a physical reaction to music.

When we consider the media’s depiction of young people engaged in reacting to the physical effects of music, dancing, such as in MTV’s popular dance program The Grind (which, I might add, is one of countless programs that draws from the structure of the 1950’s dance program American Bandstand), we can clearly see this physical connection. Paul Willis notes "for many young people, the syncopations and textures of dance music, through its complex polyrythms and drum an bass patterns, has the ability to produce a grounded aesthetic of sensual pleasure and to literally move the body, both physically and emotionally…"(65)

It might be quite telling to note as well that cultural etiquette has deemed it taboo for adults to engage in such primitive manifestations of their link to music. Could the reason that to "let loose" and allow ones body to move in whatever direction the music takes them be seen as such a "youth" activity due to this fact? Do we, as adults, know better? Should we?

(Peter Frampton)

Beyond the physical kinship that youths feel, wittingly or otherwise, to their music, it can not be denied that there exists a definite emotional connection between the content of the music and the young people who consume it. Much of the connection that young people experience with their music is based on the fact that they feel as though musicians represent and personify the ideologies in which young people hold dear. In studying room culture of a group of teenagers, Steele and Brown have noted that many of the cultural icons present in the form of posters found in the teenagers rooms represent certain world views in which the teenagers feel a close kin to (568). A poster of Martin Luther King, for instance, decorating the wall of an African American youth’s room might be indicative of the young person’s feeling of persecution and desire to overcome the racial obstacles that surround him or her.

Steele and Brown have shown that young people connect to icons from various media. In her article Young Adolescents in Television Culture, Joellen Fisherkeller reports her findings of interviews with several young people and their television preferences. One of the adolescents of the study in particular, Samantha points out that she relates to Candice Bergen’s television persona, Murphy Brown. Brown is a tough-talking fictitious journalist and Samantha relates to her because she too speaks her mind. Fisherkeller notes, "The television characters she prefers ‘have a quality about them that is tough, that doesn’t take crap from anyone, which also attracts me to them, which I consider myself as well.’"(482)

It can be shown from the young people in both Steele and Brown and Fisherkeller’s work, that young people feel a connection with the icons who represent their own sense of self. Although young people may base their affiliation on characters they see on the small and silver screen, they are consciously aware that characters portrayed on television and in motion pictures are fictitious. In analyzing the outlook of Samantha, Fisherkeller notes, "…she is well aware that the character of Murphy Brown is a constructed identity. She says she likes ‘the lady who plays Murphy Brown"(482). Several other studies have pointed out that from a quite young age children are able to differentiate between fiction and reality in terms of their media representations (see Steele and Brown, Blumer, Davies, etc.) The connections and identity work young people engage in may very well be based on "characters" but they are consciously aware that the characters are not reality. Thus it might be easy to see why feeling an emotional affiliation to an icon might be stronger when the icon is a musician.

When we hear Carol King sing about feeling the "earth move under (her) feet" who among us thinks to themselves that she is creating a character that feels the earth move? As listeners to the musician, we feel confident that the words that she sings and the emotions that they embody are reflections of Carol King the person. In making this point of the connection to the perceived "real emotion" of musicians, a student in one of David Buckinghams’ studies, Angela, describes what she, as both a fan and a student of media, observes in herself and other fans as empathy towards a particular raggae musician, Beres Hammond. "Beres’ trademark impassioned voice," she writes, "draw in the crowd which clearly empathized with the agonized lover."(74) In looking at this personal connection that young people feel towards musicians, two concepts further emerge; the imitation by young people of the musicians they affiliate themselves with, and the dynamic between identification felt by the fans and the ideologies of the music as texts. I will address the latter concept first.

In relaying the details of an exercise in which his students were asked create media about their music (such as magazines and radio shows) Buckingham has noted that the ideologies expressed by the musicians in which many of the students indulge is felt to reflect their own ideologies. Where this phenomenon is most clearly marked is in those instances where the listeners have actually questioned the intent of the musicians. For example, a group of students created a magazine that caters to the fans of "hardcore" and in doing so openly rejects "commercial" music, which they feel "are in the business for the money"(67) In this sense, because the listener is relating to the musicians at such a personal level, when they feel as though the musician’s music aims at anything other than their true feelings about a subject (such as monitory gain) they feel as though they are being "duped."

Many of the students in the aforementioned study by David Buckingham felt that their emotions and personal politics were expressed by musicians and treated as subject matters in their music. This creates identification through consumption of music that allows young people to express their own world views through mere fandom of a particular artist or genre of music. For example, one of Buckinham’s Students, Steven, notes that "part of the male teenage subculture is to rebel against the system of society and this is something ‘indie’ bands like Carter USM promote strongly"(70). Thus to consume the texts becomes itself an expression of the fan’s world view. This expressing of one’s world view through consumption of musical texts that reinforce and reflect fans’ ideologies creates what Lisa Lewis refers to as "communities of interest"(159). Lewis point out studies done regarding Elvis fans in the 1950s and 1960s. The formal and large scale organizations that fans of Elvis became members of "provided interpersonal benefits for members…"(159). Lewis goes on to note that members of these organizations even offered their homes to other members who might need a place to stay, based solely on the fact that they were fellow members and thus Elvis fans. On a much smaller scale, as in my youth, often young people group together in relation to the musical genres they favor. My friends and I communed on many levels based on our fandom of "modern folk." People who came to become members of the inner-circle of my group of friends shared an interest in Edie Brackell and the New Bohemians, The Grateful Dead and Melanie. Lewis notes "fans are characterized not only by their relations to the text but by intense relations with each other"(159)

This phenomenon of "communities of interest" is by no means limited to the world of music. This type of peer affiliation is chronicled in Margaret Finders’ study of a group of teenage girls and their uses of fashion magazines as a symbol of their sub-culture, particularly within the environment of their school. Their reading practices, which include a number of "teen zines," fashion magazines targeted toward the female teenage and adolescent demographic such as Sassy and YM, bind the circle of friends together as a group. Finders notes that the group of girls use their readership of such magazines as "markers, a yardstick to measure how one was progressing…crossing the boundary from childhood into adolescence"(74). This sense of self and establishing identity based on consumption of media genre is especially apparent in Finders findings when considering those teenagers outside the queen’s clique. One young girl in the study, "Cleo, age 12, was already keenly aware of her place in the peer dynamic…zines were, in fact, used against her to mark her as deficient"(77). The girls differentiate between their clique and other cliques (the "tough cookies" in this instance) by the fact that the other group does not read such magazines (74). Finders goes on to note "teen zines were used by this group, the social queens, to patrol the borders around their friendship network."(74)

These sub-cultural "communities" thrive, like all communities, on a system of currency that marks their affinity for the common media products. As Finders notes in her study "the girl who arrived at school or at a slumber party first with the latest issue of a teen zine tucked under her arm wielded more power and prestige, controlling circulation of the latest important information about fashion, beauty, and entertainment"(79). In terms of musical consumption, there exists a hierarchy of involvement which dictates who possesses currency among these "communities of interest." Paul Willis, in Music and Symbolic Creativity, notes that this is especially significant when looking at the existence of home taping that commonly occurs. We all know, and Willis mentions briefly, that current prices of professional quality music product, namely compact discs, make any semblance of an extensive collection a small fortune in cost. How young people compensate for the price tags attached to the products is to buy blank tapes and give them to friends to copy compact discs onto (Willis 62). Thus a lot of cultural prestige is allotted to those who hold the original studio-produced discs. Beyond the actual product, Lewis suggests that fans seek out intimate details of the personal lives of icons for this purpose and share such knowledge with fellow fans to "acquire knowledge that separates them from more casual fans"(156).

(Madonna)

Hubert Blumer, in a study done way back in 1933, questioned a number of teenagers on their imitation of golden age movie icons. The study revealed that the young people imitated not only styles of dress, but mannerisms and even hygiene habits of such stars as Clara Bow, Joan Crawford and Greta Garbo. For example, one respondent of Blumer’s study, a nineteen year old college sophomore, admitted that after seeing a Norma Talmadge film and noticing that Talmadge’s character perfumed her ear-lobes, she began also to perfume her ear-lobes (32). It’s interesting to note here that the respondent remembered seeing the character of Talmadge’s husband kiss talmadge’s ears after the perfume was applied. Thus to imitate Talmadge’s application of perfume might imply that the respondent hopes to be kissed in much the same fashion. Such imitation was not limited to girls. Boys admitted to imitating such stars as Bill Hart, Wesley Barry and Rudolph Valentino particularly when constructing the presentations of themselves regarding females and dating. One eighteen year old male in the study admits "Oh! For imitating a star I’m a card. Once I tried to imitate --------- smart-alickness at a dance, by kissing the girl I was dancing with. She gave me a ‘sock’ in the jaw"(53).

For many fans of music this style of imitation is an essential aspect of their style of dress. Lewis’ study, Five Fan Events, illuminates the fan emulation experience in discussing fans of two pop icons from the 1980’s, Cindy Lauper and Madonna. Both these stars were known for their "unique" appearances and personal style. Consequently, both stars also exuded strong ideologies in creating appearances that deviated so from the existing socially sanctioned fashion world (Madonna was known for wearing brassieres in lieu of blouses and Lauper for outrageously colored hair and unmatched, second-hand variety rags). One part of Lewis’ study focuses on a series of concerts given by the two celebrities and includes a number of photos of fans dressed in the garbs made popular by the Madonna and Lauper. It is quite telling that when framing the photo’s of the Madonna "wannabes" Lewis refers to the fans’ styles of dress as "madonnaness" (175) and Lewis goes on to notes a paradigm for fan appreciation established by Andrew Tudor, which contains four degrees of identification, "emotional affinity, self-identification, imitation, and projection"(164). Thus, in this model, a fan’s imitation of a celebrity comes after an emotional identification. In other words, imitating Madonna or Cindy Lauper’s style of dress is seen as an external manifestation of identifying with the star’s persona, in the case of Lauper and Madonna, a rejection of traditional roles. In Madonna’s case the fact that her fans’ imitate her style of dress as a reflection of their opposition to tradition is fitting as Madonna herself claims to have chosen this style as a rebellion against her parents who disapproved of the controversial look (Lewis 167).

(Billy Joel)

I recently had a conversation with one of my oldest friends from high-school. She had gone to a prestigious university to study psychology with the intention of specializing in "problem" adolescents upon certification. "They need all the help they can get," she often lamented, "and I think I understand them better than other adults." Now my friend looks at the very culture for which she went to school for four years studying, and spent tens of thousands of dollars in the process, with disgust. "I just don’t get them," she says.

In this paper I have attempted to explore the ways in which young people use music to construct and understand their place in the larger world around them for those of us who, like myself, tend to forget that the experience of youth includes activities that are have purposes other than to annoy adults. As I have drawn from many scholars of media, I have also included a number of lyrics to decorate the sections of this paper. As most will recognize at least one or two selections of lyrics, I hope to remind the reader of the context within which "you," the reader, experienced the songs. It is also my hope that readers read of these young people’s use of music and personal affiliation with the music makers and recognize themselves ten, twenty forty years ago. We were not always "all grown up." We started out young just as they are and we were just as confused and frightened by the world around us as they are. The only difference is that we got through it and they are going through it. Why do we no longer understand? Maybe sometimes experience is not always the best experience.

To suggest any action that educators, parents and anyone in the "adult" culture could do, per say, would be to insinuate that young people’s use of music is a problem. I am not insinuating this and as so feel that the best and only thing that can be done is to not make sweeping generalization about the youth culture. Their clothing may seem bizarre to us, their hair ridiculous, and none of us may entertain the notion of listening to any music that has been on the billboard in the past quarter decade, but their were several people who said the same exact comments about us, regardless of what "youth" culture we were members of. Some of us were beats, others hippies, punks, bobby-sockers, and even now, generation x-ers. Remember "don’t trust anyone over thirty?" At what point in ones life does it become "don’t trust anyone under thirty?"

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Hauch, Adam, and Diamond, Mike "Fight for Your Right to party. Pref. The Beastie Boys. License to Ill. Def Jam Records. 1986
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