Karel Kysilka:
(An historical - statistic essay)
The following paper was presented at the Genealogy Seminar
of the Czech Heritage Society of Texas, Hillsboro, TX.,July 31, 1999
Personal description of Frantisek Cerny, cottager of Breziny of May 14, 1855: religion - protestant, statue-small, face - oval, hair - brown, eyes - blue, mouth - usual (!), nose - pointed, special sign - none |
Emigration in both periods seized particularly indigent
hilly villages with evangelic population west off Policka. This territory was linked to
additional emigrant centers in adjacent districts - regions of Svratka, Krouna and Prosec
in districts of Vysoke Myto and Chrudim, vicinity of Dolni Ujezd, Budislav and Jarosov in
the Litomysl´s district and the neighborhood of Jimramov and Nemecke in adjacent Moravia.
All these areas were characterised with a relative congestion, low-rate autarchic
agricultural homesteads, and, consequently the majority of the poor rustic population -
day-laborers and hinds, an unproductive weaving trade and starving workmanlike
manufacture. Former glory of glass-works and iron-mills, that gave subsistence to a rather
big part of the population, had already passed by. The Protestant reformed confession was
able to bid its worshippers the belief and the strength, but couldn't keep their pots
boiling. To summarize all data, the total number of emigrants in 1852 - 1857 was around 300 people, in 1881 - 1889 reached their number to 400. The share of Policka district on the global emigration from Bohemia at the beginning of 1850s was more than 5 per cents and the share dropped to 2 per cents in 1855. In 1880s this quotient did not exceed one hundred. By applying this one per cent to the period 1858 - 1875, for which the data are missing, an estimation can be made, that the number of emigrants from the district in this period was between 300 - 500 people. In general, we may estimate the decline of population by the
migration to America for the whole second half of the 19th century at roughly
1000 people, prevailing from villages Borova, Teleci, Breziny, Oldris and Kamenec. There
were 7000 inhabitants there in 1850. Thanks to high nativity, the population decrease in
1890 was only moderate. See TAB 1:Emigration from Policka district between 1852 - 1890 according to individual villages *** |
Report of the community council in Breziny referring to Josefa Cerna´s manners from 1854 |
Perhaps the oldest known emigrant to America from our
county was Wenceslas Makovsky, a joiner, son of Jan Makovsky from Borova No. 71,
who emigrated shortly after the Religious Reform Law (the Letter of Tolerance) in 1781
with 80 guldens in his pocket, that represented his inheritance on the native house. First
records concerning the emigrants were administrated in 1852. The highest emigration figure
is reported for the year 1854 and applied already to all mentioned communities.In 1850s the entire emigration number
from Borova was around 100 people, which represented 9 p.c. of the population. The share
on the village population was only a bit lower in Pusta Rybna and Oldris (each with 5
p.c.). Thirty years later the stream of emigrants moved to Breziny (5 p.c.), Kamenec (7
p.c.) and mainly Teleci (8 p.c.). The share in Pusta Rybna, Borova and Oldris prevailed.
The multiple growth of emigration wave from Teleci could be probably connected with the quarrels in local Protestant community and activity of its priest Josef Martinek, who was accused of exciting, provoking the emigration process. He was later sentenced to a penalty of 20 guldens. Then the stream of emigrants from Teleci ceased. *** |
Birth certificate of Jan Tomsu of St. Kamenec No. 38, issued by the Protestant parish in Teleci in 1874. |
Who were actually those emigrants ? Were they objectors, trouble-makers, adventurers, dreamers, refugees, misleads or emigrants by their own will ? Were they even the traitors of the nation or the people whose national maturity was not evoked yet ? A Czech writer and historian of the last century Ferdinand Schulz wrote about them: „They separate themselves from their own nation, they reduce Czech national property, they export substantial, remarkable economic strength from the country and they hurry up to multiply the welfare of foreign states, because they either do not know the duties that bound them to the native soil, or they are already tired, fed up by constant bringing the sacrifice for the prosperity and rights of their own nation.“ In fact, this was not only the official Austrian propaganda, but this was the opinion of the rest of the nation. Austrian authorities tolerated the individual emigration, if it was evoked by the living conditions and or by the desire for a freedom. They were afraid of organized emigration that could grow into a political process, which were only hardly manageable. Therefore the authorities executed the emigration agenda and passports in a rather flexible and fast way. They were benevolent in granting the emigration permission and many of the applicants received the Consent and Passport within 14 days after the date of application. The faster they disappeared, the better (for the state). With one exception - people with military duties. Let us go to elucidate the lives of these miserables and let us try to understand the reasons, that led them to such an important fatal decision that changed not only their lives and lives of their families, but also the lives of their ancestors until now. Lives of people, who decided to create a new, free nation. *** |
Domicile confirmation for Jan Makovsky, a retired farmer from Borova of 27.2. 1855 |
What was the demographic structure of the emigrants? See: TAB. 2 Demographic structure of emigrants In both periods, there were mainly the families with children, who decided for the emigration. In 1850s we counted up to 51 families with one to seven children. Similar situation was 30 years later, when 47 families with children emigrated. The numerous families prevailed mainly in the Eighties. The family of Frantisek Makovsky of Borova had 5 children in the age from 4 to 11 years, the families of Frantisek Madera and Frantisek Teply were similar. Ignac of Teleci had even 8 children, the youngest were the twins Antonie and Amalie who were born several months before the emigration, the oldest Anna was 18. Seven under-aged children stated the smith Frantisek Stegner and two other matured children emigrated already some years before. The largest family in the Fifties was Josef and Frantiska Zvacek´s with 6 children. We figured several uncomplete families, where one of parents was missing. A poor, old maid, Frantiska Fajmon of Borova applied for emigration in 1856 together with her unlegitimate two-year-old son Jan. She stated in her application, that she only seldom had a job, she suffered by need and by wretch. She had nobody in the world except for her brother Vaclav Fajmon of Pusta Rybna, but he applied for emigration simultaneously, and she would have nobody here at all, if she stayed. A widow Anna after Jan Makovsky of Kamenec wrote several decades later: My sister „...invites me in every letter, and writes that the living there is easier by all means and that the future of my son Josef will be secured. Here I am in debts more and more and I would have to sell the house and pay the debts - and nothing would be left for living.“ |
In 14 cases we figured families, consisted of more then two generations - i.e. grandparents, parents and children. A typical case was the emigration of Josef Stodola from Borova - sv. Katerina, his wife Aloisia, both grandparents and seven children in 1887. Not always all the family members, stated in the application, actually left their homes. It happened that a child or an elderly died, sometimes even on the ship or before they set out for the journey. A farmer Josef Dostal of Blatina (63) asked for permission in 1854 for his six-member-family and his 77-year-old father Jan. They received the consent and passports but they did not find a buyer for their farmstead and therefore they decided to postpone the emigration for the following year. It happened, but without their grand-dad who decided to stay at home, to die in peace there. The emigration of childless families was in either period on the same level. In 1850s there were eight, in Eighties nine such cases. Predominantly, they were older couples, but still in productive age. They had either enough money to start a new life or, they belonged to the poorest in a village, and decided to follow their friends and relatives who mostly even paid for their passage. In 1880s the number of emigrating individuals increased by 200 per cents to compare with the situation in 1850s. There are a lot of young emigrants mainly in 1880s. Frantisek Zvacek of Teleci was a 17-year-old orphan. Father died, mother got married and moved out of the village. Frantisek had lived with the family of his grandfather Josef Zvacek until he emigrated with his spouse Marie to Nebraska in 1879. He promised to Frantisek, that he would send him money for the passage, when he collects some. Now he kept his word and Frantisek abandoned the Austrian citizenship and left for the new future. Another notable trend in 1880s is the joining of families. In the first emigration waves the trip to America was a real mystery tour. People did not know what they could expect. In 1850s we figured only 7 cases, when the emigrants went to follow their relatives. Antonín Navrátil of Borova with his consort and two children left Bohemia for Wisconsin in 1854. Two years later he was followed by his two brothers Vaclav of Pusta Rybna and Frantisek of Oldris and their families and in 1857 even their old mother Veronica decided to emigrate after a long hesitancy. Thirty years later such a practice was quite common. Brother followed brother, parents their children, nephew his aunt. But the familiar consistancy preserved in the USA only in the first generation of immigrants and later most of the contacts were broken. Josef Tusla of Sadek intended to emigrate to Burnett, Nebraska in 1881 where: „my brother-in-law, Frantisek Vodstrcil from Kamenec as a smith has lived and invites and assures me, that I, as a cartwright, will have lots of jobs with good earnings there.“ František Nunvar of Borova sends his 19-year-old son Antonin (1881/25) to father´s brother Antonin, and to Josef Ehrenberger, his brother-in-law, who „live in the state of Iowa and promised me that he would support any of my children, if they come to America.“ Josef Picha confessed that his sisters and brothers in Minnesota bought several acres of field for them, „they will cultivate them for us and when we come, we will only have to harvest the crop and the subsistence for the first period will be secured.“ Jan Andrle of Siroky Dul emigrated in 1879 with wife and two children. Before the emigration he had lost some money and he could not have taken all the children along with them, there were four of them to stay in service in Vysoke Myto, until father will be able to pay for the passage. He sent pre-paid travel tickets to their daughters Anna and Rosalia (1881/39). Their guardian, father´s brother Frantisek intercedes for issuing passports for them: „The girls, though under-aged, are fully developed in growth and in mind, they are healthy and moreover, they will travel together with adults they know.“ A widower, Jan (or Vaclav) Jilek of Kamenec 80, a farmer, emigrated in 1881 (29), after he had lost his farm because of bad housekeeping. His two children, a 10-year-old Josef and seven-year-old Anna were left with their aunt Josefa Pavlis in Kamenec. They met their father again eight years later in New York, in 1889, when the Pavlis´ came to America as well. The following table states the emigrants
according to their age. |
There are not big differences between both
periods. The share of children was between 40 - 50 p.c. Journey to America was an
adventure they never forgot. They were the first generation, that fully assimilated in the
USA, Americanized. Only half of their parents was in biologically active age (20 p.c. of
total), whereas the other half were older parents, thought they were still active
economically. The group of old people, above 55 years of age, formed 10 per cent of all
emigrants. Their assimilation in new condition was only low and nearly neither of them
built a new life, different from the old one. They were in their memories still at home
until the death and seldom learnt English. In the 1850s some seventy-year-old emigrantes
are recorded. The oldest among them was 85-year-old Terezie Nunvar of Borova . We
do not know if she really lived to see America. Josef Bohac of Pusta Rybna was 72
when he and his wife Katerina reached the American coast on October 10, 1854.
Having arrived to the Port of New York, they declared their age to be ten years lower.
They may have been afraid of not being allowed to entry, if they stated their actual age. See TAB. 4 - Social Distribution of Emigrants |
The emigration from the Policka district can be characterized in either periods as predominantly the agrarian emigration. The farming families formed in the Fifties two-thirds of all emigrants. The share of the local poor (day-laborer, hinds and weavers) was about 20 p.c. in the first period, later it increased to forty per cent, whereas the share of middle class declined. The highest percentage of emigrants was formed by landless families who had to help themselves in living by weaving of linen fabrics. Jan Telecky of Oldris (1881/2), complained in his application, that he is completely unable to ensure subsistence and better future, even „now, when the weaver’s work stagnates and there was a poor crop of potatoes during several last years.“ One of the poorest families, that intented to emigrate, were the Mrazs of Siroky Dul (1881/22). They had no job, no earning, no property. The family of Jan Makovsky of Pusta Rybna (1855/55) was considered by the village judge as the poorest family at all. In 1888 Antonin Ehrenberger, a 33-year-old cottager and weaver of Teleci received the Emigration Consent. His old friend Josef Makovsky in Nebraska, offered him one half of his 160-acres lot and the parents promised to give to him 150 guldens for the passage. The farmer’s families emigrated only exceptionally - mostly, when they were exposed to a misfortune or misery. The farm No. 140 in Teleci, belonging to Frantisek Plihal was burnt down in 1880 and in 1881 all crop was destroyed by hailstorms. This was the reason for his application. His neighbor Antonín Fajmon of house No. 141 states in his application one year later, that „in 1882 all cereals rotted on the fields and that they did harvest even less than what they had planted.“ The share of artisans/craftsmen increased in 1880s. The emigration refers predominantly to the journey-men and craft-helpers ( for instance two young lads from Teleci traveled together in 1881 - Frantisek Stegner,(12) a smith-helper and Adolf Pajkr (Peiger), a miller´s son (13).) and poor country handicraftsmen - a local tailor Frantisek Pavlis of Borova (1852/4), carpenters Frantisek Bren and Frantisek Hladky of Breziny (1854/15, 16), or the Borova´s miller Pavel Korab (1854/39).- We may find also a shoemaker, joiner, saddler, butcher and some more among the emigrants. Jakub Prochazka (1887/106) of Kamenec is a locksmith and his brothers-in-low prepaid the ticket for the whole family. He wrote in the application from March 1887 that they intended to move out as soon as possible, maybe in the same month. In April he wanted to leave the backdoor open: If the things there go badly, we will return. Only two members of the higher class - the town burghers of Policka - emigrated in 1850s. They were Prokop Hnevkovsky, a son of the former „Burgmeister“ - town mayor in 1855 and Jan Novotny, a wealthy inhabitant, emigrated a year later. See TAB.5 - Financial Means of the Emigrants in 1852 - 1887 One of the basic conditions to receive the Emigration Consent was the sufficient finance amount for the passage to America and for the initial period there. The authorities took care about it and did not allowed the emigration, if the family did not gather at least 100 guldens per person. The amount that was to the emigrants´ disposal, is recorded in statistics and lists (consignations) of individual families. In 1854 the Moravian Governor’s Office drew up an overview of travel expenses per person for the voyage from Brno to New York via Bremen and Hamburg. An accurate officer enumerated the rail-way costs from Brno to Bremen at 17 guldens, the cost for the stay in Bremen were estimated at 10 guldens, the provisions (wine, sugar, tobacco and food for the voyage) at 12 guldens, the passage itself on a sail-boat 65 guldens, the luggage ca. 14 guldens. The whole voyage was figured at 140 - 145 guldens for an adult ( i.e. 65 - 70 dollars - the exchange rate of that time - 2,1 guldens equal to one dollar.) The majority of emigrants had only required 140 guldens or a bit more per person. Only 13 p.c. of emigrants had to their disposal more than 400 guldens per each, on the other hand, one tenths could not collect even the required amount. They were probably those who went on foot either to Prague, or to the frontier-station of Podmokly on the Saxon border. Some cases are known, when the emigrants, mostly individuals, went on foot to an European port. The nearest railway station in 1850s was in Chocen, where the emigrants had their assembly place. The travelers from Policka and Litomysl were followed there by people from Lanskroun and Rychnov. Many friends, relatives and acquaintance came there to see the emigrants off. The departure of the train use to be very sad. It meant leaving forever. |
The individual, childless families and farmers exported more money. Only five families had more than 3000 guldens in cash. Among them Josef Svanda with the wife and son of Borova No. 8, Josef Zvacek of Teleci with her wife and 6 children, Frantisek Lorenc of Oldris, with the wife and 4 children, Josef Kucera of Borova with spouse, son and his parents and Frantisek Teska of Oldris. The peasant Jan Makovsky states only 2200 guldens, though the village judge in his report announces, that Makovsky sold his farmstead No. 100 in Borova for 8825 guldens. Most families had between 700 - 1400 guldens. It would be interesting to find out how the emigration influenced the market prices of houses and cottages. Many potential emigrants had to give up their idea, or they had to postpone the emigration for a later time, till they found buyers for their properties. Frantisek Teska could not sell his farmstead with 45 morgens of fields and meadows in 1854. His idea of 7200 guldens was too high and he did not find the buyer, unless he decreased the price by 1200 guldens in the following year. He had to apply for an emigration once more. The price of small houses and cottages was between 400 - 800 guldens, but even here it was sometimes difficult to sell. Frantisek Picha of Oldris hopes, that he will sell his cottage at 400 and the remaining 200 guldens will be somehow scraped up, in order to have the required amount of 150 guldens per person.. Frantisek Cerny of Pusta Rybna put off his voyage for a year. One reason was that his wife was pregnant, the second one, he could not find a buyer whom he could sell his homestead at 540 guldens. It was very hard for some people to get even the minimal amount. Already mentioned Veronika Navratil in 1857 stated she had 200 guldens chased for the voyage, but there were hesitations about her property. Most of farms were in debts. their owners paid the installments all their life, there was a scarcity of a free liquidity. In 1880s the yearly income of 100 guldens was nearly incredible in the countryside. Many daily laborers wrote in their applications that they did not earn more than 2 guldens weekly. How princely were the wages mentioned by happier relatives in America. Josef Makovsky, a 23-year-old cottager´s son quitted the country for Nebraska in 1881, in order „to avoid hunger and to find sustenance.“ Two years later he was followed by parents and siblings. The father gave reasons of their decision that „the son in America has 18 dollars per month and he was already able, after two years of being there, to provide them with money for the passage for three persons.“ A miller´s journey-man Frantisek Fiala of Oldris was invited by a friend Jan Romportl who emigrated in 1877. „He said that I would definitely secure a better future there. The wages of a miller´s helper are more than 1 1/2 „tollars“ a day.“ What was the literacy of emigrants like? We can not say that all were capable of reading and writing. But nearly all male applicants even in the Fifties, were able to undersign their applications. Scarcely anybody was able to write the letter to the District office by his own hand. Among them, who wrote own application by himself and helped his fellows, was for instance Vaclav Navratil of Pusta Rybna, who was also able to speak German. People addressed their parish-priest, a teacher, a local official scrivener or a village judge to help. Several applications were written by a former priest, and writer Josef Vaclav Justin Michl, a.k.a. Drasar, who was a famous, but a tragic presence of the Policka region in the middle of the last century. He was excommunicated from the catholic church, he converted to Protestantism and settled down in Breziny, where he taught children and served as a village scribe. He was probably more active in writing the applications for emigration, then it was usual, and he was then investigated for assistance in stimulating the emigration which was, as we mention already, a crime. He promised in 1854, he would cease this activity but still we do have letters and reminders to the Governor´s office written by his own hand in 1855. (For instance a reminder by Frantisek Cerny, where he urged the issue of the passport) In Borova the applications were mostly written by the village clerk Kucera, or by Protestant priest Kosut. Some writers were afraid they could be accused by the same way as Drasar. The scribe in Pusta Rybna refused to write the application for Jan Makovsky. Or Frantisek Filipi, being investigated at the District Office on 21 April 1855, announced that „more Moravian citizens had their applications written by a certain local scrivener in the village of Nemecke, and so I went there as well.“ But for certain he forgot his family name. The question who compiled and wrote the application for a Passport issue, was a usual question in case of any interrogation of potential emigrants at the District Office. There were not only social and economic reasons, but as far as Policka district is concerned, also religion was the cause of the emigration. We have to realize, that the Protestant confession was not equivalent to the Catholic one. Protestantism since the time the Letter of Tolerance was accepted, was only tolerated. But both Protestant confessions, that is Lutheran and Reformed, were not natural, were not proper to the population of the Bohemian East. Their ancestors confessed the belief of the Bohemian Brethren (same as the Moravians) but this confession was not named in the Letter of Tolerance and thus not recognized. So it happened, that in the region the differences in opinion, quarrels and unsatisfaction appeared and they resulted in existence of various streams, groups and sects. People were convinced, that only the full religious freedom in America may fully satisfy their spiritual needs. We can not evaluate from the applications, whether these tendencies were direct causes of emigration, but from the history of the reformed Protestant church in Teleci we are informed about the quarrels in this community, that led into its splitting and creation of a new parish in Pusta Rybna at the beginning of 1880s. And look - the number of emigrants from Teleci, Pusta Rybna and Breziny in the period of these quarrels remarkable increased. The emigration of Catholics was only an exception. In the Fifties the catholic emigrants were the cabinet-maker Jiri Wosmek of Policka, Frantisek Andrlik of Oldris and the families of Navratil´s brothers in Borova. The only German emigrant Heinrich Weber from Nemecka Bela was also a catholic. The emigration did not nearly touch the Czech, but catholic communes in the Southern part of the district - Korouhev, Bystre, and Svojanov. We can hardly assume, that the economic situation there was better, than in the villages west of Policka. In the Eighties the share of Catholics on the emigration from Borova, Oldris and Sadek is somewhat higher. We checked about 60 Catholics of 260 emigrants, who stated their religion. We remarked two mixed families, where the parents had a different confession. The story of a 58-year-old Protestant Terezie Kucera of Borova-Cerkytle, is worth noticing. She filed her application in 1855, together with her daughter Josefa and son Vaclav, but her husband Josef Kucera, who was a Catholic, was not involved. The District Office did not like it and called Josef Kucera to be examined. He said, that he „really did not want to emigrate, because he was old and ill. But the spirit drew permanently his wife to America“, and so he was ready to give her 1000 guldens for the emigration and he had understanding for the children leaving as well. Terezie then emigrated one year later with the daughter, whereas the son was not allowed to emigrate because of his recruiting age. |
We showed that the emigrants were from very poor
environs and that they hoped they would gain better living standard after emigration. But
some of them were calculating individuals who intended either to leave their family or to
avoid paying taxes and debts. There were also people with a wicked reputation. Most of
them left Austria illegally. Nevertheless some tried to get the emigration consent. A request of Josef Halamka, a 32 year-old, married daily laborer of Breziny, from 1882, has been preserved. At the beginning, it seemed the course would be smooth and running. He intended to sail alone to America, to look around, earn money and only then if he establish himself, he would be followed by his wife. She was said to argee. But the district office did not like it and ordered the community council to investigate the matter. And the results? "Halmka´s wife does not want to give her approval, and she will not. If he wanted to work here, he could live here as in America. The named Halamka is a drunkard, a good-for-nothing and a lazy-bones." Josef Haman, an inn-keeper and agent of the Norddeutscher Lloyd in Policka draw attention to the fact, that Halamka is ready to emigrate even without permission. A similar situation was in case of Josef and Josefa Kadlec in Breziny in 1888. They owed more then 60 guldens to a local bartender. He declared later, that the Kadlecs paid off their debt and so they received the permission. Josef Cerveny from Oldris owed to his own brother 50 guldens and about 2 bushels rye. The court session led to a peaceful settlement, and the debtor promised to pay the debt in 14 days. But his brother is afraid about his claim, since he heard that Josef Kadlec was going to emigrate in those days. The office probably held beck their passports until the settlement was made. It happened once, that the applicant cheated totally the Austrian authorities. In May 1888, Josef Topinka from Oldris, a tiny village near Policka, asked the District Authority for the Emigration-Consent for himself and his wife Catharina, who was 20 years older than he was. The application was approved but Topinka came to the Authority again and said, that he had thought it over and he did not want to emigrate, but only to travel to America and, if he finds the life appropriate, then he would return and take his spouse along with him. His wife had no objections and he then received the Passport with a 3-year-validity. He may have needed more money before departure, and so he went in summer to Moravia for harvesting. He did not want to také the documents (passports, birth certificates etc.) with and therefore he left them not at home, but at his father’s, whose name was Josef as well. During the summer father worked in a farmstead as a daily laborer, and once, when he was caring for the cattle, he probably lost all the bundle of documents either in muck or in fodder and never found them again. In spring next year, Josef Topinka Jr. and his father came to the District office once more, announced the loss of documents and Topinka asked for a new passport for himself. The office was unaware of anything and the new passport was issued. It could have been end of the story, if it had not been for a certain Henry Grubhoffer from Policka. In April he came to the Office with a complaint, that Josef Topinka, who is known to be a spendthrift, owed him 188 guldens and asked to stop his traveling. The office fetched a policeman for Topinka to Oldris, but the officer came back, announcing, only a mourning wife Catharina was found at home whereas both Josefs gone. It is clear that they did not lost any document and it was Josef´s plan form the very beginning, how to get rid of his wife, and how to receive passport for his father, without any suspicion. |
Ship Agents´Advertizing materials |
The first steps of the East Bohemian immigrants aimed mainly to the state of Wisconsin, though there are reported the cases, when they settled in Texas. There was an influence of one of the first immigrants, Josef Ernest Bergmann and mainly Josef Lesikar from the near Dolni Cermna. In 1860 there were about 7000 Czech immigrants in Wisconsin, mainly in regions of Milwaukee and Racine. Both towns are mentioned in a few applications for emigration in mutilated form as Milvanky (Mil-wahn-kee) and Rezyna (Reh-zee-nah). Later the number of emigrants to Wisconsin declined and in 1880 only the families Jandls or Kvetenskys mentioned that state as their final destination. In 1860s the main stream of emigrants aimed to neighboring states of Iowa, Minnesota and Nebraska. See TAB. 6 - The Final Destination Cedar Rapids in Iowa was the main center of the Czech new-comers. The siblings Nunvars, who originally anchored in Wisconsin, moved later to Iowa. They were followed by their acquaintances and relatives in 1880s - the Letys, Romportls, Zelendas, Andrles, Chadimas and Pavlis´. Minneapolis became the destination for the Policka emigrants at the end of 1860s and at the beginning of the following decade. Among others they were families Makovskys, Dvoraks, Popelkas and Tipals who are mentioned in the book by Helen Vavra and Albert Kranz. The destination of those and other emigrants were the places as Charfield, Hutchinson, Horesbur, Jordan and Hennepina. Burnett, Nebraska, became a new home for Josef Tusla and his family, Jan Vostrcil, for the Bostiks, Teplys and Travniceks. In 1850s applications there was no place of destination mentioned. I guess, that the applicants did not know in most cases at all, where they were going, and that the decisions were made after discussions with other emigrants during the voyage or even after coming to America. In 1880s the information regarding the final place of destination is far more specific. In about 50 per cent of all applications, there is a mention of a specific state and in several dozens of cases, they applicants wrote, where they exactly intended to move. *** |
June, 1999