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History
Croatian Origins: The documented history of Croatia begins with Greek colonies established along the Dalmatian coast after 600 B.C. Migration of the Croats (Chrobati, Hrvati) is said to have occurred during the early 6th century A.D. from white Croatia, (now known as Ukraine) between the Southern Bug and Dnieper rivers, to the lower Danube valley. They continued toward the Adriatic, where they conquered the Roman strongheld Salona in 614. After settling in the former Roman provinces of Pannonia and Dalmatia where they spent approximately 10 years,(around 626 and 635), to completely defeat the Avars, moving them towards the north of the river Danube. After the defeat of the Avars, Emperor Heraclius enacted a law (Keleusis, iussio), giving the conquered lands to the Croats and under the power of the Byzantine Empire. The Croats then began to develop independently. The farming Croats continued their former way of life under their zupani or tribal chiefs, who performed administrative, judicial and military functions.
In the 7th century, when they were converted to Christianity. Shortly afterwards they received the privilege of using their national language in church services. Under pressure from the neighboring Frankish and Byzantine empires, the tribal organization of the Croats gradually gave way to larger units, and there existed two Croatian worlds, one in Dalmatia along the Adriatic coast, the other in Pannonia. After the Frankish-Byzantine peace of 812, Pannonian Croatia became a part of the Frankish empire and the Dalmatian empire recognized l Byzantine.
In the middle of the 9th century the Pannonian Croats liberated themselves and joined the Dalmatian empire , which also shook off foreign domination. By 880 Branislav (879-892) became the first independent dux Croatorum.
Ladislaus' deputy Almos founded a bishopric at Zagreb in 1094, and this soon became the centre of ecclesiastical power. Petar Svacic was proclaimed king by the Dalmatian Croats in 1093, but the pope considered him a rebel and invited King Kalman of Hungary to unseat him. King Kalman invaded Croatia, and Svacic fell in 1097 in the defense of his country. He was the last king of Croatian blood.
The Pacta Conventa became the basis for a Croatian struggle of centuries, with varying success, to maintain its autonomy first under the Hungarian crown, and later under the Habsburg emperors.
The people elected Kalman and he pledged himself to respect Croatian state rights. In 1102 Kalman swore that Croatia and Hungary would remain two independent kingdoms under St. Stephen's crown and that the king would personify this union. Only Bosnia, a part of the Croatian kingdom, refused to submit to a foreign monarch.
Political movements in Serbia, notably the Radical Party of Nikola Pasic, tended to be influenced by goals of uniting all the lands where Serbs were a majority or to which they had an historical claim. But pressured by the Allies during World War I, Pasic, as Serbian Prime Minister, consented to work for a union with the Croats and Slovenes
The Yugoslav Union: Serbian and Montengrin victories over the Turks in the Balkan Wars of 1912-13 encouraged the Croats to envisage freedom in an independent Yugoslav union that would include Serbia and Montenegro, but in 1914, when the arch-duke Francis Ferdinand was assassinated at Sarajevo, relations between the Croats and the Hungarians appeared to be calm, thanks to the policy of compromise pursued by the Croatian-Serbian coalition, which in 1913 became the government party in Croatia. With the outbreak of World War I the Austro-Hungarian authorities introduced measures of extreme severity throughout their South Slav provinces. The emperor Charles made clear in his coronation speech in 1916 that he recognised Croatian integrity in relation to Hungary, thereby establishing the equality of both countries under St. Stephen's crown. On Oct. 29, 1918, the Croatian diet broke off all ties with Hungary and Austria and proclaimed an independent Croatia which entered into a state union with other South Slav provinces of the empire, to be governed by a national council. On the request of council's emeissaries, on Dec. 1, 1918, the Serbian prince regent Alexander proclaimed the union of this state with Serbia and Montenegro. Yugoslavia came into being. After the election of 1920 the Peasant party (HSS) under Stjepan Radic led Croatian opposition.
The assassination of Radic and some of his political collaborators in the Belgrade parliament on June 20, 1928, produced serious crisis, but the HSS continued its activism under Vlatko Macek. Finally, as conflict between Serbs and Croats was preventing the consolidation of Yugoslavia, the Belgrade government had to give in.
With the collapse of Nazi Germany, and the approach of communist forces toward Zagreb in 1945, most Ustaša leaders, as well as Macek and many other Croatians, fled toward areas occupied by American and British units. A contingent of the Ustaša military and home defense also fled into Austria, but were captured by the Allies at Bleiburg, then returned to Yugoslavia where most evidently were executed by Tito’s forces.
At the end of the war, Tito (A Croatian Communist who fought against the Italian-back Ustaša regime) reconciled all the various parts of Yugoslavia and created a Yugoslav federation with Croatia as one of the constituent republics. By the terms of the peace treaty with Italy in 1947, most of Istria, formerly part of Italy, was included in Croatia.
Tito's new authoritarian government ruthlessly suppressed any sign of ethnic nationalism, with all power given to the multi-ethnic (in theory, non-ethnic) communist party.
During the 1960s and 1970s Croatia's beautiful Adriatic coastline attracted tourism, which contributed to Yugoslavia's economy. Croatians began to agitate for greater autonomy as they saw their tourist revenues being used to stamp out Croatian nationalism.
Constant attention was required to maintain the suppression of nationalist expression. Croatia was an area of special concern, as the center of the strongest nationalist movement in pre-war Yugoslavia. The most serious challenge to the system during Tito's lifetime was probably the Croatian Spring or Mass Movement of the late 1960s, which was ended by the removal by Tito of most of the Croatian leadership in late 1971, and a parallel removal of accused nationalists in Serbia, Slovenia and Macedonia. (One of those jailed in Croatia during this period was the former partisan General Franjo Tudjman.) However, the system of control began to break down after Tito's death.
Following Tito's death in 1980, tensions between Croatia and the Serb-dominated Yugoslav government worsened.
When nationalist Croat politicians, notably Franjo Tudjman, advocated a reduction in ethnic Serb representation in the Croatian police, or argued that the number of victims at Jasenovac had been inflated, the Serbian press repeated and embellished such positions to prove to Serbs that Croatia was returning to the days of the Ustaše, and that Serbs had to take up arms to defend themselves. The fact that some of the new political figures did, in fact, advocate a positive view of the Ustaša movement made still easier the job of the Serb nationalists. By the time of Franjo Tudjman's 1990 election victory, most Serbs in rural areas appear to have been convinced that their lives were in danger.
With continuing stalemate, word spread that Serbias government was printing a massive amount of Yugoslav banknotes, without central government authorization. In this manner, Serbia was moving to undermine the economic program of the Federal Premier. There were other factors as well, but this may have been critical in Slovenia's decision unilaterally to declare independence on 25 June 1991. Once Slovenia left, the other opponents of Serbia would find themselves in a minority on the collective Presidency. If Tudjman had not in any case preferred independence, this incentive well might have moved him. In May, Croats voted by referendum in favour of independence and on 25 June 1991 Croatia declared its independence (as did Slovenia).
On April 13, 1997, elections were held in east Slavonia (Vukovar area); these elections should conclude the reintegration of this part of Croatia (but still occupied by Serbian militias) into the republic.
On 6 April 1941, Germany declared war on Yugoslavia. Sirens were heard in Belgrade as it was being bombed by the Luftwaffe. German armies streamed into Yugoslavia from Bulgaria and from Hungary. Macek and the other Croat ministers, who had been staying in the Hotel Bristol, fled to Vrnjacka Banja in southern Serbia, while the King and General staff set up base Zvornik, in eastern Bosnia. The government continued to move on to Nikšic, in Montengro, to Anthens and then to London. Two days later war was declared, Macek decided to return to Croatia. Macek returned to see Croatia in chaos. On 8 April, he made a radio broadcast from Zagreb in which he assured the nation he would remain. Anti-serb mobs, furious at being dragged into war with Germany by the Serbs, had taken to the streets and were wrecking Serb shops and businesses. As soon as the German invasion began, Ustashe supporters in the Yugoslav army revolted against their officers and proclaimed Croatia's independence. On april 10, as the first German tanks arrived in Jelacic Square in Zagreb, Slavko Kvaternik, a former colonel in the Austro-Hungarian army and Pavelic's most important supporter in Croatia, proclaimed the establishment of the Nezavisna Drzava Hrvatska (Independent State of Croatia, HDH), on Zagreb Radio.
Minutes later there was another broadcast on Zagreb Radio by Macek. German officers had arrived in his home in Kupinec and ordered him to give authority of the Peasants Party over to the Ustashe. He agreed and told his supporters to 'co-operate sincerely with the new government'. Macek was surrounded by German soldiers and later claimed he had no choice.
The Italians moved quickly to ensure that Pavelic gainied control of Croatia as soon as possible. The Italians feared that the German invasion of Yugoslavia would get in the way of their own plans for Dalmatia, which is the reason Mussolini was so eager to get Pavelic to Zagreb. He was concerned in case the Germans give Croatia to Macek. The training camps had been closed down and most of the 700 or so Ustashe in Italy imprisoned on the island of Lipari. From Oct. 1934 to Mar. 1936, Pavelic himself had been in jail.
Kvaternik had no idea that his own father proclaimed Croatia's independence and had named Pavelic as poglavnik (leader). In Zagreb on 12 April, Colonel Kvaternik formed a provisional government.
Pavelic: 'Ustashe! We have won. We won because we had faith. We won because we held out. We won because we fought. Ustashe! We won because we were always za Dom Spremni (Ready for the Homeland).
D. Sagrek, Zagreb 1941-45, Zagreb, 1995, p.62
NDH made it clear that the new state was to be a carbon copy of Nazi Germany. Some acts that we issued were: on the 26th the use of Cyrillic was forbidden, and in June a decree forbade Jews to shop or to trade with non-Jews. The Jews were easily dealt with, by 1941 they numbered about 14,000 in Bosnia and 23,000 in Croatia, and were easy to round up. The Jews were quickly rounded up and transported to camps for extermination, either in Croatia or in Germany. Most were caught and by the end of the war, over 80% of the Jewish population in Bosnia and Croatia had been killed. In 1943 the SS complained that at least 5,000 Jews were still alive in the NDH and that thousands of others had emigrated, by buying 'honorary Aryan' status.
The Serbs were a more difficult target. Altogether, of the 6.3 million inhabitants of the NDH, about 30% were Serbs and only just over 50% Catholic. The Ustashe solution was to weld the Catholic and Muslim communities together. The orginal plan was for about 20,000 Slovenes from the German-ruled portion of Slovenia to go to Croatia, while a corresponding number of Serbs would go to occupied Serbia. But the Slovenes were sent to Serbia, and not Croatia. The Germans later demanded a complete halt to the operation, although about 300,000 Serbs had been deported or had fled to Serbia by the end of the war.
The end came on 6 May, when Pavelic was informed that Germany was about to surrender and was given command over the remaining Axis forces in Croatia. As the NDH army surged northwards to the Austraian frontier, Pavelic and his son Velimir, driving in a big black Mercedes. They had to drive fast, as the roads were already partially blocked by advancing Partisan forces, and they had to dodge heavy gunfire. Evading his captors, he and his family slipped into Italy and from there to Argentina. He survived several assassination attempts carried out by Tito's secret police and died in his bed in Spain in 1957.
The most important information about the Ustashe were extracted from:
Tanner, Marcus. 1997, Croatia - A Nation Forged in War, USA.
the national anthem is played behind as background music
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